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Nativism (Item 1)
Nativism is an opposition to immigration which originated in United States politics. Although opposition to immigration is inherent to any country with immigration, the term nativism has a specific meaning. Strictly speaking, nativism distinguishes between Americans who were born in the United States, and individuals who have immigrated - 'first generation' immigrants. A similar distinction is relevant in Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. In many other countries, a person with foreign-born parents would also be considered a 'foreigner' or an 'immigrant'. Not all opposition to immigration in the United States is concerned with this distinction, but nativism has become a general term for 'opposition to immigration' based on fears the immigrants do not share supposedly American values. It can be misleading to apply the term in other countries, especially in Europe, where opposition to immigration is often founded on national identity.
Anti-immigration may be used to describe individuals, groups or movements which oppose significant levels of immigration into their countries. Anti-immigrant may refer to those who are opposed to specific migrant groups, or as a pejorative for those who are anti-immigration. The terms often have negative connotations in a political context, particularly in the West, where politicians generally avoid giving explicit support to anti-immigration platforms or describing their policies as "anti-immigrant".
Nativism may refer to:
* Nativism (politics) or political nativism, ia term used by scholars to refer to ethnocentric beliefs relating to immigration and nationalism. In particular, it may refer to 19th century social movements in the United States, especially the Know Nothings, which called for a return to what it called the native culture, by which they meant white Protestant European immigrants.
* Psychological nativism is a concept in psychology and philosophy which asserts certain concepts as being natural, hence "native" to a species.
Nativism (Item 2)
The American Religious Experience
American Nativism, 1830-1845
Sean Baker/WVU Undergraduate
During the 1830s and 1840s Americans with nativist sentiments made a concerted effort to enter into the local and national political arenas. Nativism's political relevance grew out of the increase of immigrants during the ‘20s and ‘30s and the anti-foreign writings that abounded during these decades. While pivoting between anti-foreign and anti-catholic appeals, nativism became both practical and ideological in nature: platforms for the movement ranged from extending the length naturalization to protecting the sacredness of the Protestant Republic. In New York city's 1844 elections, the nativist movement formed the American Republican Party, which allied with the Whigs and resulted in the defeat of the Democratic Party. This political advancement, although local and short lived, presented a glimpse of the national nativist power later found in the know- nothings. Clearly, early nineteenth-century nativism participated in significant political changes, and the goal of this paper is to summarize nativism between 1830 and 1845 while analyzing these major political developments.
Nativism (Item 3)
The Historical Society of Pennsylvania
Nativism is a cross-curricular lesson plan that explores anti-immigrant sentiment and stereotyping, primarily during the 19th century. Using the Irish as a case study, students learn about the reasons nativism emerges and endures in American life, and the forces that led to anti-Irish sentiments and actions in the 19th century. Additionally, students consider how they can link the history of nativism to attitudes toward immigrants today. more...
The online lesson plan is broken out into the following sections:
1 Understanding Nativism
3.The Philadelphia Riots of 1844: Reporting Ethnic Violence
Historian's Note: Reflecting on Nativism
This lesson was created by Kathryn Wilson.
Nativism (Item 4)
California Gold -- Californian Nativism and Racism
Although racism was at odds with the miners democratic structures, it was precisely the lack of a controlling governmental democratic framework that provided a perfect breeding ground for nativism and racism. The discrimination was initially based on some foreigners? economic superiority. South Americans and Mexicans were far more experienced miners and came to California as teams of peones, day laborers who had to pay back their debts and were sent by their creditors to the mines. These peones brought wage labor into the diggings as realms of independent labor and were often entrenched on more productive placers. The word placer is derived from Spanish and means contendedness or satisfaction. Placers are sites, usually in former or actual river beds, which contain gold in pure, grainy consistence. The Mexican experience with mines reached back into the 17th and 18th centuries, and Mexican mining techniques were at a level that the California mines would not achieve for a long time. Californios, persons of Spanish or Mexican descent who were American citizens by the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo became victims of racist discrimination after 1848. This indicates that economic jealousy rather than longstanding hatred against Mexicans triggered Anglo Saxon nativism in California. Starting in 1848, Mexicans began to come in larger numbers to California; approximately 8000 arrived, together with 5000 South Americans.
Besides the economic jealousy that was heightened as the returns in mining decreased. It was augmented by strong feelings about the recent war against Mexico, widespread Anglo Saxon anticatholicism, and the imperialist doctrine of Manifest Destiny. All these elements played a major role in the emergence of racism.
Often, Californian resentments against slavery as unfair competition with free labor were played out in campaigns against the peones whose relations to their controlling creditors was identified with the master-slave relation. In 1852, there were about 2000 African Americans in California. Although slavery was outlawed in the state, some of them were slaves who came with their masters and were put to work in the mines. Many others were free blacks or escaped slaves who hoped to earn enough to pay for their families? freedom back in the South.
Nativism (Item 5)
The Nation editorial | posted August 10, 2006 (August 28, 2006 issue)
The New Nativism
Over the past decade, millions of Hispanic immigrants have bypassed traditional urban destinations and put down roots in the American heartland. With large groups of newcomers moving to some of the most homogeneous, tradition-steeped places in the country, a backlash was predictable. But no one could have foreseen the breadth and fury of the new nativism that has risen up from Middle America with an ominous roar.
The prairie-fire spread of anti-Hispanic "Americanism" makes it incumbent upon Congress to pass an enlightened immigration bill that is both sensible and humane. But as the stories in this special issue of The Nation so vividly demonstrate, this new American nativism will not be tamped down simply by making legal and bureaucratic improvements to our immigration system. The roots of this xenophobic upsurge--fueled by economic frustrations and national-security phobias, and inflamed by voices of hatred--run far too deep for that.
The loudest voices of xenophobia have been elevated to the status of national heroes and soothsayers. Anti-immigration hardliners like Colorado Congressman Tom Tancredo and inflammatory pundits like CNN anchor Lou Dobbs (see Daphne Eviatar in this issue), along with a massive echo chamber of right-wing radio gladiators and small-town newspaper columnists, have become the main sources of information for millions of Americans about the causes and effects of Hispanic immigration. States and municipalities are scrambling to fill the void left by Congressional inaction with a mishmash of "reforms" designed to crack down on undocumented immigrants and the companies that hire them. Already this year, more than 500 bills have been introduced in state legislatures. And in this year's midterm elections, politicians all across Middle America--Democrats and Republicans alike--are one-upping one another with draconian proposals and demagogic rhetoric.
Nativism (Item 6)
Southern Pacific Law Center
Abortion and homosexuality seem like clear-cut issues for the Christian Right. But is that also true of immigration?
by Alexander Zaitchik
When Joan Maruskin took the podium last April at a Family Research Council (FRC) immigration conference in Washington, D.C., it was hard not to think of Daniel in the lion's den: The liberal director of the Church World Service Immigration Program was addressing an audience convened by a major force on the Christian religious right. It was not her crowd.
It turned out that the Book of Daniel was among the few books of the Bible that Maruskin didn't quote. While making the Christian case for amnesty, she demonstrated that the Old and New Testaments are chock-full of soundbyte-ready advocacy for the "stranger." All told, she counts more than 300 scriptural admonishments to mercy toward immigrants.
"The Bible is an immigration handbook," Maruskin told the FRC audience. "'Cursed be the person who oppresses the alien.' Can we forget that Christ himself was a migrant and a refugee, born in a stable? Under our laws, Mary, Joseph and Jesus would be sent to three different prisons."
A powerful image, but Maruskin's position is far from dominant on the religious right. In a FRC member poll conducted last spring, 90% of respondents chose forced deportation as the appropriate fate for America's estimated 11 million-12 million undocumented immigrants. This response aligns the FRC base with fire-breathing hard-liners like U.S. Rep. Tom Tancredo (R-Colo.), the evangelical co-sponsor of an immigration reform bill notable for its criminalization of those who "aid and abet" illegal immigrants, something many religious leaders and laymen see as a Christian duty.
So it wasn't surprising that Maruskin's social-gospel message received a tepid response from the FRC audience. Heartier applause greeted the conservative Catholic journalist John O'Sullivan, who followed Maruskin to the podium and scoffed at her liberal "proof-texting" of Scripture. Arguing that such selective quotation did not "contribute to the debate," he tried to debunk the argument for amnesty and dismissed Maruskin and her ilk as "moral bullies."
"The fact is," said O'Sullivan, "most Christians are more hard-line when it comes to immigration than their Church leaders. Are all of these people going to hell?"
A better question might be: When did immigration assume a place next to abortion and traditional marriage as a "family" issue for the religious right? And is this new and highly charged issue a threat to that movement's much-vaunted "culture war"? Or is it a legitimate part of it?
The 'Definitive Divide'?
The ascendance of immigration as a burning issue on the religious right has been swift. Conservative commentators and politicians have both fueled and responded to a grassroots movement in which anti-immigrant rhetoric dovetails with the odes to God and country that have long constituted conservative evangelical boilerplate. Hard-right evangelical politicians like Tancredo have built national constituencies by blending anti-immigrant rhetoric into broadsides against secular liberals and Islamist radicals.
"Christian' Nativism" - Full Article - Page: 1, 2, 3,