Questions and Answers
about the Shareholder Resolution
for
Berkshire Hathaway Annual meeting

(This information is provided by the shareholder presenting the resolution and is not authorized by Berkshire Hathaway)

Resolved that Berkshire Hathaway Inc. shall not invest in the securities of any foreign corporation or subsidiary thereof that engages in activities that would be prohibited for U.S corporations by Executive order of the President of the United States.

1. Who is presenting this resolution?
My name is Judith Porter and I live in suburban Philadelphia, PA.  I am the holder of 10 shares of class B common stock.

2. Why am I proposing this resolution?
My grandparents were part of the Jewish population of Riga, Latvia that was killed by the Nazis in December 1941.  Genocide is a horrendous act and, I believe that we must speak out against genocide whenever and wherever it occurs.  We must be the voice for those who have no voice.  The actions of the government of the Sudan against its own citizens in Darfur has universally been acknowledged as genocide and we must act to stop the killing.  (for more background on this topic click on: SaveDarfur  or Amnesty International )

3.  What has the United States Government said about Sudan?
The President of the United States declared "that the policies and actions of the Government of Sudan, including continued support for international terrorism, ongoing efforts to destabilize neighboring governments, and the prevalence of human rights violations, including slavery and the denial of religious freedom, constituted an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the United States."

4. What has the United Nations said about Sudan?
On March 29, 2005, the United Nations Security Council issued Resolution 1591 and most recently Resolution 1672 on April 25, 2006, condemning the continued violations of human rights and international humanitarian law in Sudan's Darfur region and, in particular, the continuation of violence against civilians and sexual violence against women and girls.

5.  What actions have the United States Government taken concerning Sudan?
On November 3, 1997 President William J. Clinton issued Executive Order 13067 which imposed a trade embargo prohibiting most American businesses from operating in the Sudan. Executive Order 13067
On April 27, 2006, President George W. Bush issued a new Executive Order expanding Executive Order No. 13067.  White House News Release

6. What does all of this have to do with Berkshire Hathaway?
While it is true that American companies can not do business in the Sudan, Americans can invest in Asian and European companies that do business in the Sudan.  While such investments do not violate the "letter of the law," they certainly do violate "the spirit of the law" and are counter to the stated policy of the United States.

For example, PetroChina Ltd. , is a subsidiary of China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC), the dominant international player in Sudan's oil sector. The above resolution would prohibit Berkshire Hathaway Inc. from holding securities such as PetroChina Ltd. which is a subsidiary of a corporation whose economic activities have been declared by the President to constitute "an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the United States."

7. How do companies like CNPC support the actions of the government of the Sudan?
(The following is taken from the Yale University report on Investing in the Sudan  )
 

The oil sector is the primary source of revenue for the Sudanese government, allowing the government to support genocide. The military, which has been implicated in attacks on civilians, accounts for a large portion of government expenditures. By providing significant funding to a genocidal government, certain oil companies may have become partners in causing grave social injury.

Amnesty International has reported that:

Sudan's oil wealth has played a major part in enabling an otherwise poor country to fund the expensive bombers, helicopters and arms supplies which have allowed the Sudanese government to launch aerial attacks on towns and villages and fund militias to fight its proxy war [in Darfur].  By earning increasing oil revenues, the Sudanese government continues to be in a position to deploy considerable resources to military activities - be it in the form of paying salaries, or acquiring equipment, such as helicopter gunships, armaments, and associated hardware. The government has used increases in oil revenues to fund a military capacity that has in turn been used to conduct war in Darfur, including carrying out violations of international human rights and humanitarian law.
The China National Petroleum Company (CNPC) is China's largest supplier of crude oil and natural gas.  CNPC is the largest foreign investor in the Sudanese oil sector today. CNPC, which is wholly owned by the Chinese Government, owns a 40% stake in the Greater Nile Petroleum Operating Company (GNPOC) set up by the Sudanese government.  This consortium "dominates oil fields" in Sudan.  Much of the funding for the genocide in Darfur comes from revenues provided to the government of the Sudan by CNPC.

8. But Berkshire Hathaway doesn't own CNPC; it owns PetroChina.  Aren't these different?  Berkshire has written:
 

"To begin with, we have seen no records, including the various materials we have received from prodivestment groups, that indicate PetroChina has operations in Sudan."
-- Berkshire Hathaway; Commentary on PetroChina holdings; February 21, 2007

Harvard University, in its decision to divest its holding of PetroChina discussed at length the relationship between CNPC and PetroChina.  Its conclusion is contained in the document referenced above from which we quote.
 

    In April 1999, CNPC announced its plans to sell $10 billion shares on the New York Stock Exchange. Human rights groups and others objected to the initial public offering, contending that the deal would be tantamount to U.S. support for genocide in [southern] Sudan. In response, CNPC restructured the transaction. It created a new subsidiary, PetroChina, which would operate only inside China, to be owned 90% by CNPC and 10% by private investors. On April 6, 2000, $2.9 billion dollars of shares in PetroChina were sold on the New York Stock Exchange to private investors. At that time, CNPC's investment bankers from Goldman Sachs asserted to investors that none of the money raised in the IPO would be used to fund CNPC's projects in Sudan. [Post article; China's Involvement in Sudan: Arms and Oil, Human Rights Watch, November 2003 (Human Rights Watch Report).]

    Despite CNPC's assurances, several potential investors viewed with considerable skepticism CNPC's firewall strategy. Opponents of the IPO pointed out that when PetroChina was created, it incurred $15 billion in debt from CNPC, some of which was incurred in connection with the Greater Nile Petroleum Operating Company project. [Human Rights Watch Report.] Fund managers were skeptical that PetroChina could make independent business decisions because CNPC owned 90% of its shares. As a result of these concerns, several major institutions, including such pension funds as TIAA-CREF and Calpers, elected at the time of the IPO not to invest.
 

 In an effort to determine whether PetroChina can exercise independence from CNPC despite CNPC's 90% ownership interest in it, the subcommittee examined the management of the two companies. The results of that review were striking. The Chairman of PetroChina is the President of CNPC; PetroChina's legal counsel is CNPC's President; PetroChina's Vice Chairmen, Executive Directors, and Non-executive Directors are also CNPC's Vice Presidents; and the four subcommittees of PetroChina's Board of Directors contain substantial representation from CNPC. Indeed, the investment and development subcommittee of the board of PetroChina is comprised solely of two Vice Presidents of CNPC.

In short, PetroChina was created to be a capital surrogate for CNPC. Jiang Jiemin is both President of CNPC and President of PetroChina and there are few corporate governance policies in place to ensure any degree of PetroChina independence from CNPC. While it is true that at the present moment its operating activities are limited to China, 90% the dividends from these operations flow to CNPC.  Salon.com  has commented on Berkshire's statement about the relationship between CNPC and PetroChina as follows:
 

The management structure outlined by Harvard does not appear to be a typical parent company/subsidiary relationship. To declare, as Berkshire does, that a subsidiary has no ability to control the policies of the parent, when the two entities are run by the exact same people, is an exercise in specious obfuscation. It is also insulting our intelligence to compare PetroChina with other Chinese-government owned companies, such as China Mobile and China Life, which, presumably, do not share the same management as CNPC. Warren Buffett wouldn't put up with that kind of baloney if an executive from one of the companies Berkshire controls tried to lay it on him. There's no reason for us to have to accept it either.

For a more detailed response to Berkshire's statements see Sudandivestment.org

Berkshire's response to my proposal also includes the following statements:
 

Rather, the only feasible divestment plan for CNPC would be to sell its 40% interest in the venture, almost certainly at a bargain price and almost certainly to the Sudanese government. After such a transaction, the Sudanese government would be better off financially, with its oil revenue substantially increased. Since oil is a fungible product, Sudanese output would be sold in world markets just as oil from Iraq was sold under Saddam Hussein, and just as oil is now sold by Iran. Proponents of the Chinese government's divesting should ask the most important question in economics, "And then what?"

We should first point out that our proposal asks for Berkshire Hathaway to support the efforts of the US government by not investing in a subsidiary of a company doing business in the Sudan.  It doesn't ask for China to pull out of the Sudan; however, if China did divest, the situation might not be as Berkshire predicts.  To begin with the Sudan has neither the funds nor the expertise to manage the project on its own so it is likely that the revenue would fall dramatically.  More importantly, if China were to divest it would lose the incentive to block efforts of the United Nations to stop the genocide in Darfur. During the discussion of divestment at the University of Pennsylvania, Penn President Amy Gutmann made the following remarks:
 

"Divestment is an extreme measure that should be made rarely and carefully and only under the most unusual circumstances,"  "In this case, the genocide occurring in Darfur with the support of the Sudanese government represents a moral evil that we cannot ignore.  Given the role of the oil sector in supporting the Sudan economy, it is important to convey the right message to these corporations about the impact of their actions." 

In January 2004, BP-Amoco divested its 2% stake in PetroChina, many state pension funds and major Universities such as Harvard, Yale and Stanford have also already divested.  Mr. Buffett has stated that "I can be a direct descendant of William Jennings Bryan, but I will not be changing the Chinese government's policy," He may well be right; however, Berkshire Hathaway and Mr. Buffett are viewed as exemplars of ethical behavior.  If Berkshire joins the growing list of Universities and State governments that have already divested PetroChina stock others will follow.  What no single individual or corporation can accomplish alone, can be accomplished by many individuals and corporations working together.   We learned the power of divestment during the campaign against South African apartheid.  We need to all work together to stop the genocide in Darfur.  What is certain is that if we do nothing, the killing will continue.
 

Join with me and vote your proxy for the Shareholder Resolution at Berkshire Hathaway.