In 1672 a committee, previously appointed, reported to the proprietors as follows substantially: "Imprimis to grant Mr. Man a convenient house lot out of the public lands so much as shall arise upon ten cow commons, and all rights and privileges thereto belonging; as also libertie to choose half his proportion of the meadow, the rest to take as other men." Further the proprietors tender £50 towards building him a house and the inhabitants engage to pay as they have intimated. This on condition that he settle at Wollomonoppoag; but if he is called to move then he shall choose two or three men who shall judge and determine what shall be presented to them, and if they agree that his call is clear to remove through default of the people. then Mr. Man shall enjoy the house and all the lands formerly mentioned; but if they do not so judge and yet Mr. Man remove then the former grants to return to the proprietors." To these terms Mr. Man agreed as follows: "I do accept of these propositions in case they be performed within the space of one year and a half." SAMUEL MAN.
A committee was at the same time chosen to collect the money and build the house. Such was Mr. Man's settlement. The prospect was not cheerful. His call had been pending some three years. He knew, for he had preached among them, that this small company of farmers could barely maintain themselves and their families. He came into almost a wilderness, where there was not only no meeting house to receive him, but even no dwelling-house for a shelter and home; and, as Mr. Bean says in his century sermon., only sixteen families.
He was the only son of William Man, who came from Kent County England, where he was born about the year 1607. He married Mary Jarrard and settled in Cambridge, Mass. His son, Samuel, was born there July 6, 1647. He was graduated at Harvard University in 1665; married Esther Ware of Dedham, in 1673; was employed as a teacher at Dedham, Mass.; ordained at Wrentham, April 13, 1692, and died there May 22, 1719, in the 72d year or his age, and 49th of his ministry. His children were eleven in number---seven sons and four daughters--and while his descendants must be very numerous, not one is known to bear the name at present in the town.
In October, 1673, the inhabitants addressed the following petition to the General Court: "The petition of the inhabitants of Wollomonuppoag humbly showeth that whereas it hath pleased God by his especial providence to set the place of the habitation of divers of us in a place within the bounds of Dedham where some of us have lived several years conflicting with the difficulties of a wilderness state, and being a long time without any to dispense the word of God to us, although it hath pleased God to send the gospel among us dispensed by that faithful servant of his Mr. Samuel Man, but not having power to assess or gather what have been engaged by reason divers live not within the limits of the town, and the constables of Dedham are willing to gather what has been engaged, neyther is that engaged by town power, so the pay is not attained but that work is like to fail and we perish for lack of knowledge unless it please God to move your hearts who are the fathers of the country to take care for us, and not for us only, but for the interest of God here, now being helpless and hopeless doe yet venture to spread our complaint before your honors desiring you would put forth your power to promote the ordinances of God here. That which we desire and humbly present to your pious consideration is that there may be a committee empowered by this honorable court to settle some way for the maintenance of the ministrie, which we doubt not but most of the proprietors in Dedham and elsewhere will readily grant, yet some there are that have rights here seem only to be willing that we should labor under the straights of a new plantation so as to bring their land to a great price, which no other can regulate (that we understand) but yourselves. Therefore we fly to your wisdom and justice for help which no other under God can do. The proprietors also having engaged but for so long as we remain under the town power of Dedham now advising us to indevour to be of ourselves, declaring that they cannot act for us as is necessary in divers cases they living so remote. And if it shall please God so far to move you to help us on this distressed state, we humbly further crave to be excused from paying any county rates for 7 or 8 years we being few and poor and far into the country, and not considerable to the county which will oblige us to serve your honors. We have herewith sent the copies of what the proprietors did engage (which have caused us, your petitioners, to venture upon these difficulties expecting more would have come to us) which we desire may be ratified till they send inhabitants suitable or what other way God may direct your wisdom to determine which shall ever oblige your poor supplyants to pray, etc."
The selectmen of Dedham assented, and upon the 17th day of October, 1673,O. S., the inhabitants were made a town by the name of Wrentham. The selectmen desire, "if the Court see need to grant them town power that it may be called Wrentham." Mr. Bean alludes to the tradition extant in 1773 that some of the first settlers here came from old Wrentham in England. It is supposed that the Rev. Mr. Philip or Phillips, who left the pulpit in old Wrentham by reason of the persecutions of 1636-8, came to Dedham, and that he received an invitation to the ministry in Dedham in 1638, but did not accept it. After being in Dedham and perhaps other places about a year, he returned to his native land and resumed his pastoral duties in his former parish. It is said that upon his voyage hither he was attended by " a goodly company," others also from old Wrentham, England, having preceded him. The names of Thurston and Paine are particularly mentioned. These brought "an account of the state of affairs in Wrentham on which the Christian people of Dedham in that country invited him by letter to that plantation before and so that when he arrived his friends here did expect and much endeavor to obtain his guidance in the first beginning of their ecclesiastical relationship."
In the petition of the inhabitants their leading thought seems to have been the maintenance of the minister. They asked for town power that rates might be made and collected for this purpose. "Spiritual affairs were ever first in the minds of the Puritans." "It being as unnatural for a right New England man to live without an able ministry as for a smith to work his iron without a fire." And the General Court "judgeth it meet to give the petitioners all due encouragement conduceable to their settlement with the present minister according to their desires."
The minister was the principal person in town--the real head of the people. His advice was sought in matters temporal as well as spiritual. Usually he was the only learned man in these primitive settlements. As the freemen must be church members, it may be conceded that his influence must have been without limit.
The early comers to Massachusetts established a church after their own choice, and the civil polity was in subordination to the ecclesiastical.
In the resolve of Oct. 17, 1673, the General Court granted "all the liberties and privileges of a township" with the boundaries heretofore agreed upon between the inhabitants and Dedham.
Wrentham thus became independent of Dedham. But yet the inhabitants were not considered competent to manage their town affairs, and the Court placed them under the guardianship of a committee "for the better carrying in end of their prudential affairs, etc.", and appointed Captain Hopestill Foster, Mr. Wm. Park and Ensign Daniel Fisher to be the committee. They were to be joined with any two of the inhabitants that might be chosen, and the acts of said committee or the major part of them were "to be valid the power to continue till the Court take further order" and Wrentham was exempted from county rates for four years. John and Thomas Thurston were chosen by the inhabitants "to joyne with the committee appointed by the Court."
1. Thomas Thurston to have the town book and make record of such orders as have passed respecting said plantation, etc.
2. Property holders there shall pay 1s. 6d. for every cow common for support of the minister according to a previous vote.
3. £50 to be assessed upon the proprietors towards building him a house, according to an act past by them ye 31 June, 1672.
4. All former committees to continue the work committed to them heretofore as to laying out highways, etc.
5. That the order in Dedham Town Book, referring to the admitting of inhabitants, made June 1, 1666, be transcribed in this town book to be an order for the town of Wrentham as to all intents and purposes therein contained. Subscribed. Per order of General Court,
William Park,
Daniel Fisher.
John Thurston.
Such an order sounds very strangely in these days. But two hundred years ago such regulations conformed to the sentiment prevalent in the colony of Massachusetts Bay. And in 1692 a law of the province gave settlement to persons who sojourned in any town three months without having been warned by the constable to depart. And in 1736 it was enacted that the inhabitants who took in strangers should in twenty days notify the selectmen thereof. Prior to these enactments it seems that the towns adopted orders upon the whole subject of the admission of inhabitants, servants and apprentices. At this time notifications and warnings were not very frequent; Wrentham being "far into the country" few strangers probably found their way hither. Later in its history arrivals were more numerous and more frequent. One is here copied.
Melatiah Man,
In 1674 an Indian, named Matchinamook, asked that he might have some place to live in and "full liberty was granted him to go to a place called Harry's Plantation of at the head of ten-mile river, near to the Patten line, there to improve three or four acres of land during his life time." All the votes were subject to the approval of the court's committee. In this year some further negotiations were had with Crossman regarding the corn-mill as previously related; and in 1674 and 1675 the votes for the encouragement of a blacksmith were passed.
This latter year was undoubtedly one of anxiety to the little town of Wrentham. "Early in the spring of 1675," says Drake, Sassamon's body was found in Assawomset pond in Middleborough." He was an Indian preacher, a professed convert of Christianity, who had learned something of the English tongue. Having learned from his countrymen that they intended to make war upon the English he communicated that knowledge to the Governor of Plimouth, and by Indian laws thus forfeited his life. Three Indians were executed for the murder on the 8th day of June, 1675, according to the same authority the act having been committed January 29th,1675, N.S. Until this execution the natives had not engaged on any acts of open hostility, but soon afterwards Swanzey was attacked and nine of her inhabitants killed, and on the 24th of June the abandoned houses were burnt. Soon afterwards a part of Taunton, Middleborough and Dartmouth were destroyed. Mendon was also attacked and it is said four or five persons killed.
In 1675-6 the General Court in consideration that many Indians were "skulking about our plantation doing much mischiefe and damage" offered a bounty of three pounds per head for the Indian so taken to every person who should surprise, slay or bring in prisoner any such Indian."
It was probably about this time and not long before its withdrawal that the valorous little colony covered itself with glory in the famous attack at Indian Rock. The story is as follows:
"A man by the name of Rocket being in search of a strayed horse in the woods about three miles northeast from Wrentham village discovered a trail of Indians, forty-two in number, towards the close of the day directing their course westward. Rocket undiscovered followed the trail until about the setting of the sun when they halted, evidently with a design to lodge for the night. The spot chosen was well situated to secure them from a discovery. Rocket watched their movements until they laid themselves down to rest, when with speed he returned to the settlement and notified the inhabitants. They being collected, a consultation was held, whereupon (the women, the inferm and the children being secured in the fortified houses) it was agreed to attack the Indians early the next morning. The little army consisted of thirteen; at its head was a Captain Ware. Rocket was its guide. They arrived upon the ground before daylight and were posted within a short musket shot of the encamped Indians with orders to reserve their fire until the Indians should arise. Between daybreak and sunrise the Indians rose, nearly all at the same time; when upon the signal given a full discharge was made which with the sudden and unexpected attack and slaughter put the Indians into the greatest consternation so that in the confusion, attempting to effect their escape in a direction opposite to that from which the attack was made, several were so maimed by leaping down a precipice from ten to twenty feet among the rocks that they became an easy sacrifice. Some of the fugitives were overtaken and slain. And it is related that two of them being closely pursued, in order to elude their followers, buried their bodies all except their heads in the waters of Millbrook, about one mile from the first scene of action, where they were killed. It is probable that these were likewise injured by their precipitation from the rock. One Woodcock discharged his long musket called a buccaneer at a single fugitive Indian at the distance of eighty rods and broke his thigh bone and afterwards dispatched him. After the battle there were numbered of the Indians killed upon the field of battle or by the fall from the rock, twenty; some say twenty-four. Not one of the inhabitants was killed.
Dr. James Mann to whom we are indebted for this account of the fight at Indian Rock says, "There is an intelligent man, eighty-seven years of age (Dea. Thomas Man,) who in his youth was acquainted with Rocket, and perfectly well remembers that on account of the above adventurous deed, he received during his life an annual pension from the General Court. A grand-daughter of Captain Ware, of the name of Clapp, was also living, aged ninety-four years, who well recollected to have heard the story related when quite young, as a transaction in which her grandfather bore a conspicuous part. He adds there are men now living, at the date of his communication, who well recollected to have seen bones in abundance of the unburied Indians left upon the spot where the action happened.
In March, 1676 the inhabitants left their homes so lately established here and with so much difficulty, on account of the alarming attitude of the natives. Up to this date eighteen births had been recorded, and the small number of families who were without any means of defense against the savages prudently withdrew. The war against the English was now fairly initiated by Philip. Having stirred up the native Indians from Mt. Hope to Hadley he led them against the settlements of the whites and prolonged the contest for nearly a year. The settlements were brought to the verge of destruction. Twelve or thirteen towns were entirely ruined; six hundred houses burned and six hundred men fell in battle. The neighboring town of Medfield was attacked, and some twenty whites killed, and more than half the houses were burned or otherwise destroyed.
Wrentham lay in the track from Mt. Hope to Medfield and was in danger. The withdrawal of the inhabitants was in season "no lives were cut off by the heathen." But the Indians came after the inhabitants were gone and burnt all their dwellings but two which were saved because according to tradition the party attacking believed they had been infected with the small pox.
We get some knowledge of the condition of our townand of the manner of administering its affairs more than two hundred years ago from the record of a town meeting held before the inhabitants abandoned the place, viz.: in 1674-75. At this meeting "Samuel Fisher was " appointed to take down in writing what shall be agreed on this day." It was ordered that a list of voters should be made, and absentees from a town meetings were to be fined; grants of land were to be recorded; fences three feet high and sufficient to turn lawful cattle should be built; cattle should be herded and a herdsman appointed; the minister's salary provided for and additions made to it as inhabitants and improvements" should increase; that the meadows should be layed out; that births, marriages and deaths should be registered; appointed surveyors of highways and fence viewers, and men to burn the woods. These votes were approved by the committee of which it will be remembered two of the inhabitants were members, whose importance in the little community was thus recognized and acknowledged. One of these was Samuel Fisher, who was appointed also to keep a register of births, marriages and deaths. Even thus early a list of voters was to be made; and under the laws of the colony, but little difficulty could arise in determining who were voters. The General Court ordered " to the end that the body of commons may be preserved of honest and good men, that noe man shall be admitted to the fredome of this body polliticke, but such as are members of some of the churches within the lymitts of the same."
And in 1635 "that none but freemen shall have any vote in any towne in any action of authority or necessity, etc., and "for the yearly choosing of assistants the freemen shall use Indian corn and beans, the corn to manifest election, the beans contrary." Quakers and others who refused to attend public worship were made "uncapable of voting in all civil assemblise during their obstinate persisting in such wicked ways and courses and until certificate be given of their reformation."
It was voted upon Mr. Man's request in 1675, that the common rights and lands heretofore granted to him for improvement would become his absolutely if he remained in Wrentham seven years.
Cornelius and Samuel Fisher bargained for his 10 cow commons, agreeing to pay therefore five pounds and five shillings, ---£1. 10s. in wheat, 5s. in money and £3. 10s. in merchantable Indian corn. The last meeting of the inhabitants prior to abandonment of the place was holden on the 19th January, 1675, and on March 30th, they left on account of the Indian war. And on the second of February, 1675-6, the prudential committee met, and appointed the first Tuesday in March following, to be a meeting of the proprietors at Dedham in reference to their replanting there again. On the 6th of March, 1677, at the proprietor's meeting in Dedham the question being put whether " they would go on with Wrentham plantation again if there were peaceable times?" The answer was by all present that they would bear charges there as formerly, and divers of them expressed themselves" willing to return if Mr. Man would return with them and a considerable number would ingage in that worke. "Upon further debate it was decided that a committee be chosen to present the case of Wrentham to the Hon. General Court for their advice and concurence "in order to the rebuilding the towne againe." They also made a division of their meadow lands. In this division only forty-five persons drew lots. In 1660, the number of proprietors was eighty. Sixteen years had made changes in the ownership of lands.
From this time until January, 1677, no important public transactions concerning Wrentham took place. At that time the "proprietirs and those that were formerly inhabitants of Wrentham" met, and the inhabitants were asked whether" they would go on to rebuild and inhabit Wrentham." Their answer was as follows:
" We, whose names are hereunto subscribed, having formerly had our residence in Wrentham, but by those sad and sollame dispensations of God's providence were removed yet desire that a worke for the honour of God and the good and comfort of ourselves and ours might be again ingaged in and promotted att that place. Therefore our purpose is to returne thither God willing. But knowing our own inability for so great and waytie a worke, both in respect of our insufficiency for the caring on of new plantation worke, and the dainger that may yet be renewed upon us by the heathens breaking out on us thinke it not saffe for us to returne alone except other of the proprietors joyne to go up along with us or send inhabitants to ingage in that worke with us." Subscribed by Elizear Metcalf, Daniel Haws, Daniel Wight, Samuel Fisher, William Macknah, Elizear Gay, Samuel Man. Cornelius Fisher, Joseph Kingsbury, Robert Ware, John Aldis, John Payne, Benj'n Rocket, Nat Ware, John Ware, Michael Wilson, Samuel Sheers."
This faithful record informs us who the first inhabitants were. And although driven from their homes by the "heathens" and obliged to take quarters with their Dedham friends, they, nevertheless, preserved their organization, choosing John Ware and Samuel Fisher to join with the Court's Committee, Elizear Gay, constable, and the faithful Samuel Fisher, to keep the town book.
The proprietors responded favorably to the appeal of the inhabitants and a committee was appointed to treat with Mr. Man. He very wisely required that a goodly number of competent persons should go back as a principal condition of his own return; and also that a suitable dwelling-house should be prepared for him; that there should be no delay as heretofore in the payment of his salary. This of the proprietors. Another condition of great importance he annexed, to wit: that they should sell their interest to settlers in good faith.
Other conditions were made to the proposed inhabitants such as the improvement of his land; providing 50 loads of wood, care of his cattle, and a chosen manager of his out-door business, and if they failed to perform these he was to be at liberty. As to the first proposition it was stated that the former inhabitants have determined to return to Wrentham and that others propose to join them, and that this is all the "incouragement that can at present be expected." The other terms were substantially accepted by both proprietors and inhabitants.
A rate was made probably in 1679 for the building of Mr. Man's house at 2s. per common. Forty-five were taxed for this purpose, including the church at Dedham. The amount assessed was £52. 15s. 7d.,of which 4d. per common was to be paid in money, the rest to be one-third part in wheat and rye, the other two-thirds in Indian corn. Mr. Man himself was taxed £1. John Thurston, a non-resident, it seems was the largest taxpayer, the amount assessed him being £3. 16s. In 1680 a house lot and ten cow commons, with the privileges thereto belonging, were granted to Mr. Man, to be "absolutely his." Constables were made to account for the rates collected by them. And it was determined that highways should be made through the six hundred acres. Rules also for supplying Mr. Man's wood were adopted. Votes for the preservation of grass upon the common lands; for the encouragement of a saw-mill; for a clerk of the rietts (writs) ; and a brand-mark for their cattell. The book-keeper was ordered to procure a "copy of the purchase of Wrentham, Indian title, when and of whom it was purched" (purchased). Mr. Man was to have the benefit of the church lot. Constables, Fence Viewers, Book-keeper, etc., were reappointed. A herd of milch cows was to be kept " in the towne." On account of the scarcity of timber no one could cut off the common land, upon penalty of five shillings per tree. Lands were to be fenced in general fields, each man bearing his proportion of the expense according to the number of his acres. Bounds between town and individuals were to be renewed once in three years.
A part of the former inhabitants had returned on March, 1689, as appears from the following entry of the book-keeper: " The inhabitants such as were then come to Wrentham being meat (met) to agree of raising an addition for the finishing Mr. Man's house and chimnies according as they had formerly engaged, they agreed that a rate should be made for that end and that it should be leavied upon the commons, for that several of them that had ingaged whose names are upon record were not yett come to dwell here and thereby theire rateabell estate is not in towne."
In March, 1681, the committee having met at Dedham, and being informed that the inhabitants of Wrentham were suffering "great inconvenience for want of a suitable place to attend the worship of God, it is ordered that a convenient house be forthwith erected." The cost was to be borne in part by the proprietors and in part by the inhabitants. In March, 1682, they concluded that "the bigness of the house shall be as followeth, viz.: 36 foote in length and 26 foot wide, with 16 foot stude suffichantly brasted (braced) and all other suffichant timber suitabel for such an house; to stand the north side of Mr. Man's house." And they granted of John Woodcock a parcel of land" as nere the place where the meeting-house shall stand as may be conveniently had that he might sett a small house up for theire refreshment on the Sabbath day when they come to attend upon the worship of God."
This was the first vote regarding the building of the meeting-house, which they thought might be inclosed by the 15th of Sept. next following and finished by March 1, 1684. But a dozen years had passed before its completion."
In 1684, "to prevent unnecessary discourse," a committee was appointed to ascertain what debts were due to and from the town before the war and to do as God shall direct them." They also ordered three dividends of land, viz.: timber and woodland, plowland and meadow or swamp land; and having chosen their Book-keeper, Prudential Committee, Constable and agent for the minister's business, they chose also a committee to assess a tax for the payment of his salary, the only object for which a tax was at this time assessed, there being no school at this early period, and the highways being made and repaired by the personal labor of the inhabitants. A committee was appointed to looke to the boys upon the Sabbath in time of exercise to keep them from playing and also to sweep the meeting-house." Liberty was given to certain persons to build a gallery in the meeting-house. It thus appears that this first meeting-house was erected and occupied in 1684, although far from being finished. In 1685 there was a general meeting of the proprietors and inhabitants "att Wrentham meeting hous," when it was determined that the common land between the two great ponds "shall lie common for the Proprietors." Secondly," that they would sett out four or six acres of their now common land near the meeting hous, with twenty or twenty-five acres of other upland and swamp or swamp land, for the encouragement of a school, which was not to be diverted to any other use or purpose whatsoever." These lands and the proceeds of their sale, let it be said to the honor of the good people of this town, never have been diverted by them from the use to which they were thus applied, but now make a part of the fund whose income is appropriated to the support of schools. It was ordered that the meeting-house should be used for a watch-house. They provided also for a stock of ammunition; voted to establish the Stocks for the punishment of offenders; to pay for "billiting" soldiers at time of the Indian war, and to pay bounties for "wolves that have been killed." Eleven wolves were killed. John Ware was allowed £1. 4s. 9d. for his disbursements of services in building Mr. Man's first house, from which it would seem the Mr. Man had been a householder here before Philips' war, his first house having being burnt by the Indians.
In the same year the inhabitants presented a petition to the General Court praying that they might be authorized to choose Selectmen as in other places, representing that the committee appointed to have the care over them, although very useful in " yt capacity, yet they are crazy and infirme in body and cannot be got together so often as we stand in need of, etc."
The General Court in answer granted " that they may have liberty to chous men as in other places."
In 1686 Selectmen were chosen for the first time. They were: Sam'l. Fisher, John Blake, John Fairbanks, John Guild, and John Ware. And now the town began its real independent existence, being deemed at last capable of acting without guardians. They appointed a committee "to goe the bounds between Dorchester and Wrentham and renewe the markes as the law directs." They voted bounties for killing blackbirds; adopted orders concerning cedar timber, and fined certain persons for neglecting work upon the highways and for cutting grass upon common land and for other trespasses. The town had at this time forty-two pounds of powder and one hundred of lead. A committee was appointed to go to Rehoboth (since Attleborough) and examine the title to lands in the west part of the town. There was but little money in the plantation, and the salary of the good minister was so much in arrear that the town "doe nominate their friend and neighbor Sarg't Samu'l Fisher and do desire and impour him to demand and upon refusal to address himself to ye Governor and Council for advice and make his report to the Town."
On the first day of March,1687,there was a meeting of the inhabitants "to consider the matter of clearing the 'Enden (Indian) title to their lands.'" Sam'l Fisher and John Ware were chosen a committee "to take care in the town's behalf and manage the clearing and confirmation of the Town's title to ye lands on ye town bounds according to ye agreement with Dedham at the first settling of Wrentham."
Report of Committee.
Forasmuch as Thomas Awasamogue a Natick Indian in the last year being 1687 made claim to some of our lands which was bought of Philip Sagamor and payd for according as the law then provided for ye Endians, the town being called together to consult yr own interest, there was a committee chosen to inquir into that matter, which Comittie (after some inquiring and also treating with said Thomas Awasamogue) presented to the town divers Evydances (evidences) and wrightings both of English and Endains for ye making the thing mor clear which Evydences are insarted as followeth.
1. Philip Sachem to Major Lusher and Lieutenant Fisher. This is the letter previously inserted on page 16, on which Philip wished his white friends to send him a holland shirt to wear to Plimouth Court and offering to sell his land at Wollomonuppoag. There is also an entry under date of 8th of 9th mo., 1669, that Philip's notice was received, and a committee appointed to treat with him at Wollomonuppoag, and the report of the committee and the ordering of a rate to pay Philip.
2. The following order. Wollomonuppoag, 10. 9. 69.
To the Selectmen of Dedham---these are to request you to pay to this barer for ye use of King Philip five pounds, five shillings mony and five in Trucking cloath att mony price with a third Pt advanced.
3. Receaved of this bill ye 16 of November 1669 in referance to the Pay of King Philip of mount hope ye full and just sum of five pounds and five sillings in mony and twelve yards in trucking cloath, three pounds of powder and as much lead as to make it up to ---which is in full satisfaction with ten pounds that he is to receive of Nathaniel Pan (Paine) of Seconck for all the rights of land claimed by Indian title from the town or within yr limits belonging to the town of Dedham which is due by any claim to King Philip of heirs or assigns in witness here of I have here sett to my hand this 16a, Novenb. 69.
In presents of us}
1. "Nathaniel Colburn aged 70 yeare and upward (Dedham March 1687) testifie that I being at Wollomonuppoag when King Philip did make sale of thos lands which ware in the bounds of Dedham to thos men which Dedham Selectmen had sent up to trade with King Philip respecting ye same and I did see King Philip seal the deed in ye presents of divars Endens (Indians) who he said ware of his council."
2. " The Indian called Joseph aged 46 years or more (Wrentham March 1687) who testifie that when I was a young man I did live at Wollomonuppoag and was one of Philip's men. And I know that Philip our Sachem his hunting land was from Mashapogue pond and so along to a hill called by ye English noon hill and so to ye great River called by ye English Charles River and so up yt River to a River att Sichsopogue and up to Sanetcheconet and ye land belonging to Wollomonuppoag all ys lands I know was Philip's and that he sold it to Dedham men I was yr at Wollomonuppoag when Dedham men bargained for it and farther when I was a boy my grandfather lived at Pabeluttock and payed tribute to Philip."
3. "Sampson an Indian aged 55 years and Deask aged 40 years (Bristol March 1687) testifie and saith that we having had some knowledge of the bounds of the lands which sometime did belong to Philiip Sagamor and it was always accounted that in the north or northwest part his bounds went from Mashapogue pond and so to Wawwatabstcutt and yn (then) Pabanauattuck and to Bappatocket and yn (then) to Nihoquiag and from thens straight away to Pontucket River and that these places was Philiips propriate being his outmost bounds that way and further saith that ye Indians yt dwelt ther did pay tribut to Philip. When they killed a bare they brought it to Philip."
"Robin a Taunton Endian and his Squay testifie the same. John Daggett testifie that Nihaquiag was in Philips' bounds."
4. " The testimony of an Indian called Labcock Aged 86 years (Decem 24 1686) who saith he knew all the lands here described to be aforetime Wassomeakins (Massasoit) and after, Philip his sons'. The bounds Eastward was at Mashapogue pond and so from the middle of that pond Northward over a high hill into Medfieldward a hill called by the English Noon hill and from that hill straight along to ye great River called by ye English Charles River and up yt River to a pond and a little hill which was by the Indians called Pabaluttick wher was of old a hill field? and further his land was to Scanchapogue River and so bake again southward to Senecheconet and all yt land called Wallammanapogue I say I know all this land was after Wassamakins' death. Philip's land and that all Indians that lived there when Philip was alive called him Sachem and payd tribut to him, and further I hard Philip say that he had sold thos lands to Massachusetts men and had no more to doe ther and I did see Philip's men when they brought the pay to Philip."
5. "John Daggett of Rehoboth aged 64 years (Wrentham March 1687) testifie that in former times I had frequent convers with the Indians upon Ocation I was att a great meeting of ye Indians or an Indian dance where yr (there) was present Ausemakin Sagamore of mount hope and Philip his son who was afterwards Sagamore and a great number of Indians and I did then understand that there was a bussell or controversie amongst ym and many large words about ye Right of land and after long debate the conclusion was that from Pontucquet River and so northward by a small river near Sanchapogue at least eight or ten miles and yn (then) about Eastward and so to Mashapogue pond was and should be Ausemakin's land. Ys (this) meeting was as nere as I can remember upwards of 30 or nere 40 years since and was on the land in controversie."
ORDER CONCERNING THE ADMISSION OF INHABITANTS.
THE FIRST MEETING-HOUSE.
