Pierre St. Onge dit Chesne
(-)
Louise or Jeanne Bailly or Bailli or Batty
(-1700)
Chesne
(-)
Joseph Mushk-de-winini Duchene LaPrairie
(-)

 

Family Links

Spouses/Children:
Pimeegee-shigo-qua

Joseph Mushk-de-winini Duchene LaPrairie

  • Partnership: Pimeegee-shigo-qua

   Another name for Joseph was ?OR Zo-zay OR Aish-ke-bug-e-ko-zhay?.

   User ID: Ind.333.

picture

  Please note: Births, marriages, deaths, relationships, etc. should be considered a lead or working theory unless supporting documentation is provided. Documentation and/or notes (events) for this individual include:

• Text: http://www.usinternet.com/users/dfnels/laprairie.htm.
From http://www.usinternet.com/users/dfnels/laprairie.htm:

Joseph Duchene La Prairie or Mushkedewinn (Prairie man):
It is unknown to me who the parents of Joseph were, but from census info he apparently was born between 1750 & 1760 in Canada. There is reference to him arriving in the area of Minnesota in 1775, but the earliest reference otherwise is that from 1795 to 1799 he was in charge of the Folle Avoine Department of J.Sayer & Co. In 1799 John Sayer replaces Joseph with Joseph Reaume of the same trade territory, however by 1803 John Charles Sayer moves to the Folle Avoine Dept. to "curb the Generosity of Joseph Reaume & Joseph Laprairie". Between 1802 &1805 Joseph La Prairie is found at Clam Lake (Burnett Co., Wis.), Yellow River (near Webster, Wis.), "Namai-Kowagon", St.Croix Valley, Snake River & at "Grand Galle". In 1805 John Sayer is furloughed by the Northwest Co. to Lac des Chats on the Ottawa River and Joseph La Prairie drops out of sight until he is purchasing goods at Sault Ste.Marie in jul. 1815. He continue to purchase goods at Sault Ste.Marie annually through 1818 and that year he was employed by the Northwest Co. at posts in the St.Croix Valley & Lac Coutereille Districts. He also made the shift to the American Fur Co. in 1818, becoming a naturalized U.S. citizen empoyed at the Folle Avoine Dept. He retired from the fur companies (1827-28) and lost his eye sight shortly there after. In 1835 he is old & blind living near Frederick Ayer's Pokegama mission.
Joseph's wife was an Ojibwe woman named Pimeegeeshigoqua and they had at least four children: Joseph Jr. (b.1800-10), Isabella (b.1790-1810)[married trader Daniel Dingley], Susanne [married trader Thomas Connors on 25 jul.1830] & Jean Baptiste.
***

Sandy's note: The four children mentioned in the above narrative may have been taken from the 1826 treaty. The 1826 treaty includes:

To Obimegeezhigoqua, wife of Joseph Due Chene, Jr. and to each of her children, one section.

To Isabella Dingley, wife of Daniel Dingley and daughter of Pime geezhigoqua, and to each of her children, one section.

To Susan Conner, wife of Thomas Conner, and daughter of Pimegeezhigoqua, and to each of her children, one section.

To John Baptiste Du Chene, son of Pimegeizhigoqua, one section.

I question, however, whether Obimegeezhigoqua and Pimegeezhigoqua are two women or one woman. If Joseph Due Chene, Jr. is the son of Pimegeezhigoqua, I would expect the treaty to state, "To Joseph Du Chene, Jr., son of Pimegeizhigoqua, and to each of his children, one section" - as it does for the Isabella, Susan, and John Baptiste.
***

• Text: The Fur Trade in Minnesota: An Introductory Guide to Manuscript Sources, by Bruce M. White. From The Fur Trade in Minnesota: An Introductory Guide to Manuscript Sources, by Bruce M. White, p. 4-5:

An example of the possibilities for research in the sources for Appendix 2 is the puzzling case of a trader known as La Prairie. He is described in Michel Curot's journal of 1803-04 as an experienced trader assisting John Sayer of the North West Company in the Folle Avoine or upper St. Croix River area. The following year he is mentioned in a journal kept at the company's Snake River post and long attributed to Thomas Connor, though probably erroneously. La Prairie is also recalled in a later reminiscence as being in charge of the American Fur Company's Folle Avoine trade in the early 1820s in co-operation with Thomas Connor, who, interestingly, is said to have been his son-in-law. Another source confirms this relationship and says that La Prairie's first name was "Jo."2

In the 1830s and 1840s, references occur in the writings of missionaries to two men named Joseph and Baptiste La Prairie, who lived at Pokegema Lake near the Snake River and who appear to have been the sons of the elder La Prairie. Much later, on June 14, 1860, the Taylors Falls Reporter published what appears to be an early version of the reminiscences of St. Croix Valley historian William H. C. Folsom. He referred to an old trader of the Snake River area whose son was named Joseph "Le Prairie." This trader, Folsom recalled, had been in the Indian country as early as the 1770s and continued in the trade until the 1830s. He had become blind in his old age, and the Indians had supposedly named him "Mushk-de-winini," which Folsom translated as "old blind...Prairie man."3

Though much is known about La Prairie at this point, there remain some puzzling questions about his identity. If La Prairie was associated with the American Fur Company's Folle Avoine department in the early 1820s, why is there no reference to him in the extant company rosters for that period? If, as reported, La Prairie was Connor's father-in-law, why do reliable records show that Connor was married to Susan Duchene?4

The answers to these and other questions become clear when one accepts a theory based on a chain of evidence pieced together by sing company records, a theory that La Prairie was the family nickname of a trader whose legal name was Joseph Duchene (also spelled Duchane, Duchaine, and Duchesne) who traded in the St. Croix Valley and was found in an account book kept by John Sayer & Company for the 1795 outfit in the Fond du Lac department. There Joseph "Duchane" is listed a being in charge of the Folle Avoine business "adventure" or department. In this volume, which is one of the most detailed early sources of information on the fur trade in the Fond du Lac department (see I2, Appendix 1, below) the name La Prairie appears twice. These references occur in two abstacted lists of employees along with the amounts due them from the company. Significantly, except for La Prairie, to whom the company owed 146.11 livres, each man named in the two lists also appears elsewhere in the company's accounts. Furthermore, the debt owed to La Prairie is the same amount calculated as the balance due the trader Joseph Duchane, whose name does not appear on the abstacted lists.5

There are other links between Joseph Duchene and La Prairie in the American fur Company rosters for the 1818, 1819, and 1820 outfits, where Duchene is also listed as the trader in charge of the Folle Avoine department. Another bit of evidence appears in the company's roster for 1837, where Joseph Duchene "pere" (senior) appears among "persons attached to the Northern Outfit at La Pointe" (Wis.) with the notation that he was blind, thus further corroborating the theory that Joseph Duchene was La Prairie, the "old blind...Prairie man" who was the father-in-law of Thomas Connor.6

p. 41

Duchene (Duchane, Duchaine, Duchesne), Joseph (also known as La Prairie). Employed by JS & Co. as a clerk in charge of the Folle Avoine dept. 1795 outfit with wages of 1, 500 l. and a credit of 146.11 l. Employed by the AFC as a trader in charge of the same dept. (listed as "Duchene's Outfit" in 1818) 1818 and 1819 outfits at $400, the 1820 outfit at $350, and the 1821 outfit for unnamed "services inland." For more on Duchene and his nickname, see Introduction, p. 4 above. (3b, 3e, I2)

Duchene, Joseph, Jr. Employed as a boatman for the AFC in the Folle Avoine dept. 1818 outfit at $250, as an interpreter for the 1819 outfit at the same wages, and for the 1820 outfit at 233.33, and as a trader for the 1822 outfit at the same salary. Probably the son of Joseph Duchene (La Prairie), above. (3b, 3e)
***

• Text: My First Years in the Fur Trade, The Journals of 1802 - 1804 George Nelson, Edited by Laura Peers and Theresa Schenck.
From My First Years in the Fur Trade, The Journals of 1802 - 1804 George Nelson, Edited by Laura Peers and Theresa Schenck, p. 63:

On one of these occasions, two young men of 20 to 22 years of age, plotted to kill us all. I mean we four. The widows put us on our guard. Laprairie, the master at the N. W. C. house also warned us and one night he overheard them say - "we will watch at the door, & when one comes we will shoot him, the report will cause another or perhaps all to rush out to see, we will shoot them also, & rush in & despatch the rest". Laprairie called out to them "and have your gorgetten that I shoot deer running thro' the woods? touch them if you dare & I will shoot you like dogs as you are". - Finding they were discovered they dropped the idea, pretended to be very drunk; & coming to sleep at the house as they usually did, Smith scolded them very much, took their knives from them & gave them to me to put by. Laprairie had secured their guns.

p. 70:

About Sun Set we passed the old houses where Laprairie had wintered the year before (1801-2) and where the Sciouxs had taken him prisoner.

p. 71:

Running over this beautiful lake, the indian lad showed us LaPrairies house & Fort of the preceding year: the place where he had his traps & the Spot where the Scioux's had hid themselves to catch him on his return home.

p. 74:

There were rumors that the enemy was in the neighborhood of Lac la Coqille, where Laprairie then was wintering (See p. 32 66) The people, as usual soon got tired of restraint & became leass careful. One morning Laprairie went to visit his marten traps, contrary to the wishes of the people. Every one, as usual, had had awful dreams the preceeding night, & was now full of his prophetic impressions. Laprairie would not hear. He crossed the lake, & in leaping down a bank into a Small creek, he found himself surrounded by several strange indians in warlike attire that were lying in ambush for him. He had to take them home! - He treated them kindly, as may be supposed, & they behaved extremely well. There were several hundred of them but the chief would allow but 20, or 30 to enter. They said they regretted very much the war & would gladly be at peace. "To prove our intentions here a Pipe - the "Pipe of Peace" I give you with tobacco; present it to them in our name, and say hour desirous we are to be at Peace. But if all I have said has no effect, & that they will have war, Here is this Crow Skin (a Warrior's head dread dress) & tomahaw, & you will tell them, it is not fear that makes us sollicit their friendship, & they are too brave themselves to suspect us of cowardice; - let them chuse, & decide whether they will accept the Pipe & Smoke with us as friends, or take the tommahawk. We are ready for either, but we would much rather them be our friends." - - They returned, after staying a few hous, urging him to present their visit & their discourse in a friendly light. -

Some of the Sauteux's67 (our indians) soon after came in. Laprairie told them what had occured; gave the Crow Skin & tomahawk, repeating what the Scioux's had siad, but kept the Pipe for himself.68 The Sauteuxs consulted: & at last came to the conclusion [35] that the whole speech was intended as an insult, the more aggravated as there was no "Pipe" with the Crow Skin & tommahawk. They also decided upon revenging the insult. This was in April, 1802...

68. La Prairie's motive for this is uncertain, but he had been taken prisoner by the Sioux the year before this incident (see above, fo. 32), he may have wished the war against them to continue.

p. 77:

Such then being the Sequel of the Scioux visit, it is not to be wondered if we felt rather uneasy. The people were very much displeased with Laprairie, imputing the whole blame to his covetousness in keeping the "Pipe". But I think that even if he ad given it, the Sauteux's are so proud, haughty & insolent, & vain to show off their bravery [ - even] though at the expense of their lives, it would not have stopped the war, however it might have put off a battle. But this indescretion of his certainly increased the animosity, & rendered out situation the most critical.

Thus we continued living in the utmost anxiety, every hour dreading an attack. The N. W. Co, having arrived early in the Season, had collected [36] all the rice long before we arrived, & with the meat they occasionaly got from the indians they lived well. It was not so with us: we were often sore pinched. - Laprairie commisserated my situation, I often eat with him. At last we made a bargain. I was to provide the eatables & he, the tea! Yellow lake was connected with the river below, by three other, but Smaller lake, two below us,70 very much in shape to the float of a fish, in which there were always ducks. In the morning early I would steal out after taking "a careful survey of the coast", go to the river & firing one or two shots killing 3 or 4 ducks. I would run into the river often up to my arm pits, secure my hunt & run home. A quater of an hour every morning was frequently more time than required to bring in the daily meat of us two. Laprairie in the mean time would gather wild tea.71 - he had plenty of his own Sugar: and all was right....

71. This is most likely to have been Labrador tea (Ledum groenlandicum), but it could have been any number of plants used to make tea in the western Great Lakes region; Nelson noted that La Prairie was "expert in the use of roots."

p. 210

LA PRAIRIE, JOSEPH (JOSEPH DUCHENE DIT LAPRAIRIE) Listed as clerk in John Sayer and Co., 1795-96; built and occupied his Fort Folle Avoine on the Yellow River in the fall of 1802. He spent the next years in the St. Croix valley and was still trading, despite having lost his sight, in 1836 at Lake Pokegama. He died sometime after 1860 (White 1977:4-5, 41; Birk 1989:28-30) His wife, mentioned by Nelson, has been identified as Pimegeeshigoqua, an Ojibwa, by Douglas A. Birk (1989:29). Despite the trouble caused when La Prairie failed to deliver pipes sent by the Dakota to the Ojibwa in 1802 (probably as a result of having been taken prisoner by the Dakota previously: 1802-3, fos.32, 34), Nelson later remembered La Prairie as "a good & well meaning man..." (Sorel Journal 1836, fo.28). He was also said to be "expert in the use of roots" and plant medicines (1802-3, fo.38).
***

• Text: Midwest Pioneers: Collections of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, Vol. 20.
From Ancestry.com:
Midwest Pioneers: Collections of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, Vol. 20

1818: RETURNS FROM UPPER MISSISSIPPI
page 42
Laprairie Du Chien 17 Apr 1818
***

From http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/lhbum:@field(DOCID+@lit(lhbum7689idiv186)):#7689i0442

A Wisconsin Fur-Trader's Journal, 1803-04
By Michel Curot

Journal Folle Avoine, River Jaune For 1803 & 1804

Friday, Saturday 30, 31 [Dec]...The Mother in law Of La prairie died yesterday at 8 oClock in the morning, buried at 4 today.

Wednesday, Thursday 11 &12th...at Four o'clock Ouaisza arrived at Mr. Sayer's fort. He came to Ask me for some Rum. I told him that I had none. He said that Le Grand Razeur, was seriously ill, and that he must have some For him Even if he had to get it from Mr. Sayer.

Friday 13th. This morning Le Corbeau a savage Of the river au serpent arrived at Mr. Sayer's fort...At four oClock in the afernoon David came from the Lodges. He says that the Savages are very Hungry that for three Days they have had nothing to eat except strips of wood, he confirms Ouaisza's report adding that le Razeur wished to see Laprairie before he died, that he Asked for some Rum and a fawn-skin of rice.

Saturday 14th...Laprairie left This morning with Two Men for le Grand Razeur's lodge.

Tuesday, Wednesday 7 & 8. Today La prairie left with his wife, children, and the wife of Babeux (Smith sent his daughter with her, [and] Le vieux sarrasin For the lodge of Nenbennoi, they all are to rejoin The Band of les razeurs to make sugar with Them...

March First
Thursday...At 4 O Clock Le Jeune Razeur, one of his wives, ouaisza and The wife of Babeux arrived at the fort, an Instant after Sarasin and the son of la prairie, came after provisions. The savages and The French were very Hungry...

Friday 2nd. Smith left This morning fro Corbeau's lodge. Sarasin and The son of La prairie To rejoin The savages with Some provisions...

Saturday 7 [April]...Laprairie came to-day to Camp a little Above us with The Men that Mr. Sayer had Left at the fort To Guard his Belongings, having sent several Days ago to look for Laprairie who was at La Meckaganne with his family, at the Savages' Lodes.

Sunday 8th...Laprairie Departed this morning to go and rejoin his wife...

Tuesday 17...This afternoon Laprairie arrived with his wife at the Encampment. He brought nothing but his Personal Belongings.

Sunday 6...Laprairie sent two Men in advance of Mr. Sayer To get provisions (he and His Men are Fasting) and to announce his coming to the savages.

Monday 14...Laprairie is at the weir with his wife and children, waiting for a Canoe from fond du Lac, with merchandise and Rum.


From same journal...

page 435
Tuesday 10th. Smith, Boisvert, and Connor left This morning for the lodges. I gave them a 2 Gns. Keg of H. W., they got back at eight o'clock this evening. The savages have not hunted. Mr. Sayer sent his clerk some days ago to Tell Them to take Care that the Sioux were near that The Band that had been with Le Beuf had heard the Reports of guns, and that he desired them to unite with this band and stay in a fort near by, that he was going to have laprairie and His Men build. Two[p.435] Savages Believed Him and had already made an encampment in order to rejoin the Band.

page 435
Friday 13th. This morning Le Corbeau a savage Of the river au serpent arrived at Mr. Sayer's fort, one hour after Mr. Lacroix, one Man and a savage had left. At four oClock in the afternoon David came from the Lodges. He says that the Savages are very Hungry that for three Days they have had nothing to eat except strips of wood, he confirms Ouaisza's report adding that le Razeur wished to see Laprairie before he died, that he Asked for some Rum and a fawn-skin of rice.

page 435
Saturday 14th Laprairie left This morning with Two Men for le Grand Razeur's lodge.

page 449
Wednesday 7, Smith visited The net this morning and brought one Carp. I changed my Dwelling today. Mr. Sayer has taken his house again, I am in that of Laprairie. The Weather is very mild although cloudy. Snow Grows much less, if it continues like this Until the 20th, I shall Leave The fort and go and camp on the lower part of The river and there make a Wei

Saturday 7. This morning I sent Savoyard to the Lodges to get Some Gum and Sugar. I gave him Two Brasses of Cloth to pay for them. He came back This afternoon with Two Young Savages who told him that Mr. Sayer in Passing had sent to the Lodges, and that he had gotten For Rum The Gum and The plus there were there. I sent him back with The two savages, and a Brasse of Clothe to Engage The Women To make some Gum, which I absolutely must have, not being able to use any Canoe that did not at once Fill. Smith went to try for his part and make a weir in a little stream, where he succeeded; he came back this evening with 4 Ducks. Laprairie came to-day to Camp a little Above us with The Men that Mr. Sayer had Left at the fort To Guard his Belongings, having sent several Days ago to look for Laprairie who was at La Meckaganne88

page 460
Sunday 8th. Smith went to see his weir, No fish; he went to hunt and killed 4 Ducks. Laprairie Departed this morning to go and rejoin his wife; he Left 4 Men to take charge of the Goods; he broke a Canoe in running The rapids. These Men are waiting for Mr. Sayer To get Some Gum and another Canoe To go and Camp Higher up at The weir.

page 462
Tuesday 17. Smith being ill today, Savoyard went to visit The nets, 16 fish were Taken in them. This afternoon Laprairie arrived with his wife at the Encampment. He brought nothing but his Personal Belongings.

page 463
Wednesday 18th. Smith visited The weir today, that he had neglected since The eleventh of the month. Nothing therein. Laprairie sent off this morning his Boy and one Man in the Direction of Lake Jaune. I don't know why, there being no savages in that Region. Savoyard went to visit The nets and brought 6 fish. He had a Scare, as he went alone, thinking he heard some one Behind Him Making Cries of Joy.[p.463] Laprarie's men went to Stretch their nets at Lake Jaune, so Savoyard reports.

page 463
Thursday, Friday, Saturday, 19th, 20th, 21st. Took during these three Days 29 fish in The nets. I traded One Brasse of Cloth For an Otter. The Savage not wishing to give it to me on account of his credit or to give me more, threatened to carry it to Laprairie.

page 463
Saturday, 28. This morning La prairie left with The Men and his packs, To go and Camp at La Meckaganne. This afternoon Mr. Sayer passed without stopping. A Moment after Mr. Reaume and his Men passed; they went to try and rejoin Laprairie. Mr. Reaume has three Canoes. Le male and his family followed Them. He is one who was stabbed with a Knife Last Autumn; he killed some days before leaving La vielleSiouse his Aunt. The savages say and believe that he also killed his wife Last winter. Caught in The nets and speared 24 Fish.

page 465
Sunday 6. This morning La Garde and The negro went to the Lodges to get a savage to go ahead with them in advance of Messrs. Sayer and Réaume. Pichiqueki Embarked with them they had not been gone More than Two Hours before These gentlemen Passed. Savoyard's wife Cooked on a Grill some fish For the voyage, they Speared 42. Les razeurs went out by la meckaganne before going by The River Jaune according to Savoiard's repot. Laprairie sent two Men in advance of Mr. Sayer To get provisions (he and His Men are Fasting) and to announce his coming to the savages.

page 467
Monday 14. I Turned over to Smith The Merchandise that I had left as it appears on the Credit book. He cached it and we went to pass the night above the Grand Gallet. Laprairie is at the weir with his wife and children, waiting for a Canoe from fond du Lac, with merchandise and Rum.

page 467
Immediately to find Les razeurs and other savages, who have Brought along Their peltry not wishing to give them to Laprairie who had no Rum for them, this was The report Babeux's wife made to Savoyard's who repeated it to me. I had them go off, promising to come to their help as soon as I arrived at the Grand portage with some Rum and a little merchandise, if Sir McKenzie did
***

• Text: St. Croix Riverway Time and the River: A History of the Saint Croix.
From http://www.nps.gov/sacn/hrs/hrs1e.htm:

St. Croix Riverway
Time and the River: A History of the Saint Croix
CHAPTER 1:
Valley of Plenty, River of Conflict (continued)

A Social History of the Fur Trade in the St. Croix Valley

Fur trader John Sayer spent the winter of 1804-1805 at the Snake River post with Obemau-unoqua, his Chippewa wife. They were married for at least ten years and she bore him two sons, yet there is only a single reference to her in Sayer's diary: "my Squaw brot about 4lbs [maple] Sugar." The daughter of a notable Chippewa leader, Obemau-unoqua was abandoned by her husband in 1805 when he retired to Canada and took a white wife.
Some fur traders formed loving and stable relationships with their Indian wives. Joseph Duchene, usually known by the name "La Prairie," spent more than a half-century in the Saint Croix Valley with Pimeegee-shigo-qua, his Chippewa wife.
....John Sayer seems to have devoted little attention to promoting the prospects of his mixed-blood sons Henry and John. It is possible that Henry was attached to the Snake River post in an informal manner. At one point Sayer, in his usual delicate style, refers to "Henries Squaw." Joseph Duchene, "La Prairie," was much more supportive of his Metis children and they played a significant role in his trading operations.
***

From http://www.nps.gov/sacn/hrs/hrs1g.htm:

St. Croix Riverway
Time and the River: A History of the Saint Croix
CHAPTER 1:
Valley of Plenty, River of Conflict (continued)

The American Fur Company Era

As the Americans moved to assume the fur trade of the St. Croix they adopted the same tactic as the British a generation before. British traders like Alexander Henry formed partnerships with experienced French traders, such as Jean Baptiste Cadotte, Sr., to benefit from their superior connections with the Indians. Astor's American Fur Company followed the same pattern. Their choice to head the St. Croix trading area was Joseph Duchene, known to everyone in the region by his nickname, "La Prairie." He had been the Northwest Company's most experienced trader in the Folle Avoine. His son of the same name who became an interpreter joined him in the American Fur Company.
***

From http://www.nps.gov/sacn/hrs/hrs2a.htm:

St. Croix Riverway
Time and the River: A History of the Saint Croix
CHAPTER 2:
River of Pine (continued)
From Fur Trade to Fir Trade

Fur traders, as businessmen familiar with the region and its resources, seemed to be in an excellent position to profit from the rising market for lumber in the 1830s and 1840s. But turning the opportunity into an actuality proved frustratingly difficult. Some traders like Joseph Duchene, or as he was known to all, La Prairie, who had come to the valley as a young man to work for the Northwest Company, were too old by the 1830s to take up a new line of trade. After working for many years for the American Fur Company in the St. Croix valley, Duchene lived his last days near Pokegama Lake. He suffered from poor eyesight and was known to the Chippewa as Mushkdewinini, "the old blind prairie man." Duchene was cared for in those last years by his son-in-law, Thomas Connor, another Nor'Wester who was disinclined to pursue the opportunities offered by the logging boom. Connor operated a trading post on the St. Croix River, at the mouth of Goose Creek; content to continue trading with the Chippewa, and watching the pine float past his door. The Warren and Cadotte families that had so long controlled the trade of the valley from Lake Superior struggled to make the transition to logging. Lyman Warren saw the handwriting on the wall in 1838 when he left the American Fur Company. Leaving the Lake Superior country he settled on the Chippewa River, near the falls and established a sawmill. He was, however, struck with illness in 1847 and he died before becoming deeply involved with logging. His son William W. Warren was the best educated of the new generation. He was a young man with a scholarly disposition and weak health. He died in 1853 at the age of twenty-eight, after completing his manuscript history of the Chippewa people. [5]
***

• Text: http://www.marshfield.k12.wi.us/socsci/discovery/stevens/stevenslife.htm.
From http://www.marshfield.k12.wi.us/socsci/discovery/stevens/stevenslife.htm:

In a manuscript list of the employees of the Northwest
Company at their several posts for the year 1805, Thomas Connor
is set down as an engage in the Fond du Lac department This
document is preserved among the Masson papers in the Canadian
Archives. Masson prints the name erroneously as Thomas Caron
in his Les bourgeois, 1: 410. anonymous diary kept at the
Snake River post for the same winter is thought to be Connor's.
It is found among the Masson papers of McGill University in
Montreal. The United States census of 1840, which gives the names
of only the heads of families and the number of persons of various
ages in the households, records Thomas Connor as a resident of
La Pointe, Wisconsin Territory; and the oldest male in the family
is represented as between the ages of fifty and sixty years.
Thus Connor's age seems reasonably well established. In the "List
of the names of mixed-bloods to whom scrip or certificates of
identity have been issued showing them to be entitled to eighty
acres of land, under the provisions of the seventh clause of the
2d article of the treaty concluded September 30, 1854, with the
Chippewa Indians of Lake Superior and the Mississippi" are found
the following given names after the patronymic, Conner: Elizabeth,
Edward, Patrick, Thomas, and Peter. See 42 Congress, 2 session,
House Executive Documents, no. 193, pp. 18-27 (serial 1513). Probably
these are Thomas Connor's children or descendants. W. H. C.
Folsom in his Fifty Years in the Northwest, 262, 263 (St. Paul,
1888) tells something of Connor as he knew him in the forties.
If Stevens' statement that "not one of them can read" was meant to
apply to Connor as well as to his wife and children, the theory
that Connor was author of the anonymous diary mentioned above must
be given up. It is obvious that Connor was not a half-breed from the later
entry (February 28) that he"understand[s] the Chippway tounge [sic]
as well perhaps as any white man in this region." Later entries
also show that his native tongue was English. perhaps he was a
member of the family of Richard Conner of Mt. Clemens, Michigan.
Several members of this fur-trading family spent periods of capti-
vity in the Indian country. See Warren Parker, "Early History of
Macomb Country," in Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections.
18: 487 (1892). later in this series, in the 'Stray Leaves From
an Old Man's Portfolio," will be noted as a reference to "An aged
and trusty employee of the American Fur Company, named Thomas
Conner." In 1835 Frederick Ayer refers, in a letter to the American
board, to Mr. Conner, the trader at Pokegama and to his brother-in-
law, an Indian. The same letter states that "Mr. Conner, the
present trader, has occupied that post for 25 years past, except
the last year which he passed at Yellow Lake." Later in the same
document the information is given that Conner "has a large in-
teresting family of children which he is anxious to educate. They
attended our school [Pokegama Mission] last year & made consider-
progress in Eng. & Indian. Mr. C designs to remain per-
manently at P[okegama] that his family may be benefitted by our
school. Altho' a Catholic he seems willing that we should in-
struct his family as we please. He himself often attends our
meetings on the Sabbath." Another letter by Ayer, February 24,
1836, tells of Conner's father-in-law, an educated trader from
Montreal, who at that time had been in the fur country sixty years.
Further information is given in a letter of December 28, 1836,
written by Ayer to the American Board, showing that Conner's
daughter was about to marry Henry Blatchford, a native missionary.
A schedule attached to the treaty of don du Lac in 1826 states
that Susan Connor, daughter of Pimegeeshigoqua, was the wife of
Thomas Connor. Isabella Dingly, wife of Daniel Dingly, is also
listed as a daughter of the same Indian woman. There is some
reason to believe that Mrs. Connor's and Mrs. Dingley's father
was William Harris, a trader with Jean Baptiste Perrrault as early
as 1784; Schoolcraft in his History Condition, and Prospects of
the Indian Tribes of the United States. 3: 368 (Philadelphia,
1853) and again in his Narrative of an Expedition, 133, gives
information on this man, who was born in Albany, lived on the St.
Lawrence as a young man, and was still a trader on the St. Croix
in 1830, indigent and blind. Ayer also mentions his blindness.
See also Perrault,in Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections,
37: 520, 522-527, 530-532, 557, 558, 535 (1909-1910).
***


picture

Joseph married Pimeegee-shigo-qua, daughter of Unknown.

  Please note: Births, marriages, deaths, relationships, etc. should be considered a lead or working theory unless supporting documentation is provided. Documentation and/or notes (events) from this partnership include:

• Occupation: Clerk, Folle Avoine, JS & Co., 1795.
Duchene (Duchane, Duchaine, Duchesne), Joseph (also known as La Prairie). Employed by JS & Co. as a clerk in charge of the Folle Avoine dept. 1795 outfit with wages of 1, 500 l. and a credit of 146.11 l. Employed by the AFC as a trader in charge of the same dept. (listed as "Duchene's Outfit" in 1818) 1818 and 1819 outfits at $400, the 1820 outfit at $350, and the 1821 outfit for unnamed "services inland." For more on Duchene and his nickname, see Introduction, p. 4 above. (3b, 3e, I2)

Duchene, Joseph, Jr. Employed as a boatman for the AFC in the Folle Avoine dept. 1818 outfit at $250, as an interpreter for the 1819 outfit at the same wages, and for the 1820 outfit at 233.33, and as a trader for the 1822 outfit at the same salary. Probably the son of Joseph Duchene (La Prairie), above. (3b, 3e)
***

• Employment, 1804, Folle Avoine.
From http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/lhbum:@field(DOCID+@lit(lhbum7689idiv186)):#7689i0442

A Wisconsin Fur-Trader's Journal, 1803-04
By Michel Curot

Journal Folle Avoine, River Jaune For 1803 & 1804

Friday, Saturday 30, 31 [Dec]...The Mother in law Of La prairie died yesterday at 8 oClock in the morning, buried at 4 today.

Wednesday, Thursday 11 &12th...at Four o'clock Ouaisza arrived at Mr. Sayer's fort. He came to Ask me for some Rum. I told him that I had none. He said that Le Grand Razeur, was seriously ill, and that he must have some For him Even if he had to get it from Mr. Sayer.

Friday 13th. This morning Le Corbeau a savage Of the river au serpent arrived at Mr. Sayer's fort...At four oClock in the afernoon David came from the Lodges. He says that the Savages are very Hungry that for three Days they have had nothing to eat except strips of wood, he confirms Ouaisza's report adding that le Razeur wished to see Laprairie before he died, that he Asked for some Rum and a fawn-skin of rice.

Saturday 14th...Laprairie left This morning with Two Men for le Grand Razeur's lodge.

Tuesday, Wednesday 7 & 8. Today La prairie left with his wife, children, and the wife of Babeux (Smith sent his daughter with her, [and] Le vieux sarrasin For the lodge of Nenbennoi, they all are to rejoin The Band of les razeurs to make sugar with Them...

March First
Thursday...At 4 O Clock Le Jeune Razeur, one of his wives, ouaisza and The wife of Babeux arrived at the fort, an Instant after Sarasin and the son of la prairie, came after provisions. The savages and The French were very Hungry...

Friday 2nd. Smith left This morning fro Corbeau's lodge. Sarasin and The son of La prairie To rejoin The savages with Some provisions...

Saturday 7 [April]...Laprairie came to-day to Camp a little Above us with The Men that Mr. Sayer had Left at the fort To Guard his Belongings, having sent several Days ago to look for Laprairie who was at La Meckaganne with his family, at the Savages' Lodges.

Sunday 8th...Laprairie Departed this morning to go and rejoin his wife...

Tuesday 17...This afternoon Laprairie arrived with his wife at the Encampment. He brought nothing but his Personal Belongings.

Sunday 6...Laprairie sent two Men in advance of Mr. Sayer To get provisions (he and His Men are Fasting) and to announce his coming to the savages.

Monday 14...Laprairie is at the weir with his wife and children, waiting for a Canoe from fond du Lac, with merchandise and Rum.

• Occupation: Trader, Folle Avoine, American Fur Company, 1818.
From The Fur Trade in Minnesota: An Introductory Guide to Manuscript Sources, by Bruce M. White

Duchene (Duchane, Duchaine, Duchesne), Joseph (also known as La Prairie). Employed by JS & Co. as a clerk in charge of the Folle Avoine dept. 1795 outfit with wages of 1, 500 l. and a credit of 146.11 l. Employed by the AFC as a trader in charge of the same dept. (listed as "Duchene's Outfit" in 1818) 1818 and 1819 outfits at $400, the 1820 outfit at $350, and the 1821 outfit for unnamed "services inland." For more on Duchene and his nickname, see Introduction, p. 4 above. (3b, 3e, I2)

Duchene, Joseph, Jr. Employed as a boatman for the AFC in the Folle Avoine dept. 1818 outfit at $250, as an interpreter for the 1819 outfit at the same wages, and for the 1820 outfit at 233.33, and as a trader for the 1822 outfit at the same salary. Probably the son of Joseph Duchene (La Prairie), above. (3b, 3e)
***

• Occupation: Trader, Folle Avoine, American Fur Company, 1819.
From The Fur Trade in Minnesota: An Introductory Guide to Manuscript Sources, by Bruce M. White

Duchene (Duchane, Duchaine, Duchesne), Joseph (also known as La Prairie). Employed by JS & Co. as a clerk in charge of the Folle Avoine dept. 1795 outfit with wages of 1, 500 l. and a credit of 146.11 l. Employed by the AFC as a trader in charge of the same dept. (listed as "Duchene's Outfit" in 1818) 1818 and 1819 outfits at $400, the 1820 outfit at $350, and the 1821 outfit for unnamed "services inland." For more on Duchene and his nickname, see Introduction, p. 4 above. (3b, 3e, I2)

Duchene, Joseph, Jr. Employed as a boatman for the AFC in the Folle Avoine dept. 1818 outfit at $250, as an interpreter for the 1819 outfit at the same wages, and for the 1820 outfit at 233.33, and as a trader for the 1822 outfit at the same salary. Probably the son of Joseph Duchene (La Prairie), above. (3b, 3e)
***

• Occupation: Trader, Folle Avoine, American Fur Company, 1820.
From The Fur Trade in Minnesota: An Introductory Guide to Manuscript Sources, by Bruce M. White

Duchene (Duchane, Duchaine, Duchesne), Joseph (also known as La Prairie). Employed by JS & Co. as a clerk in charge of the Folle Avoine dept. 1795 outfit with wages of 1, 500 l. and a credit of 146.11 l. Employed by the AFC as a trader in charge of the same dept. (listed as "Duchene's Outfit" in 1818) 1818 and 1819 outfits at $400, the 1820 outfit at $350, and the 1821 outfit for unnamed "services inland." For more on Duchene and his nickname, see Introduction, p. 4 above. (3b, 3e, I2)

Duchene, Joseph, Jr. Employed as a boatman for the AFC in the Folle Avoine dept. 1818 outfit at $250, as an interpreter for the 1819 outfit at the same wages, and for the 1820 outfit at 233.33, and as a trader for the 1822 outfit at the same salary. Probably the son of Joseph Duchene (La Prairie), above. (3b, 3e)
***

• Naturalization, 1820, Michilimackinac, Michigan Territory.
Collections of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin. Volume 20
1820: NATURALIZATION PAPERS

Page 177 { page image }

[Source, same as preceding document, but 61B7.]

Territory of Michigan
County Court of Michilimackinac SS.37

[Note 37: 37 The following MS. is presented as a typical document, one of many among the Society's Wisconsin MSS., naturalizing John H. Davis, Joseph Laperche, William Morrison, Eustache Roussain, Simon Charette, Joseph Duchêne Sr., Leon L. St. Germain, Louis Bibeau, Jean Baptiste Mayrand, Augustin Grignon, William A. Aitkin, Jeremie Clairmont, Stanislaus Chappu--all Indian traders.--Ed.]

Be it remembered That Charles Grignon of the county of Brown in the Michigan Territory aforesaid, [appeared in the County Court] held at the Borough of Michilimackinac on the twentieth day of July in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred & twenty. The said Court being a Court of Record, having common law jurisdiction, and a clerk & Seal and the said Charles Grignon having proved to the Satisfaction of the Said Court that he was residing within the limits & under the jurisdiction of the United States between the Eighteenth day of June, one thousand Seven hundred & ninety eight and the fourteenth day of April One thousand eight hundred & two, & that he has since continued to reside within the same, & that he the Said Charles Grignon has resided within the United States to wit: At Green Bay & South Lake Superior five years at least immediately preceding this time, & one year at least immediately preceding this time within the Territory of Michigan & that during that time, he the said Charles Grignon has behaved as a man of good moral character attached to the principle of the Constitution of the United States & well disposed to the good order & happiness of the same, & having in the said Court taken the oath prescribed by law to Support the Constitution of the United States & having also in open Court absolutely and entirely renounced & abjured all allegiance & fidelity to every foreign prince, Potentate, State, or Sovereignty, whatever particularly to the King of the United Kingdoms of Great Britain & Ireland of whom he was a Subject. The said Charles
12

• Occupation: Services inland, Folle Avoine, American Fur Company, 1821.
Duchene (Duchane, Duchaine, Duchesne), Joseph (also known as La Prairie). Employed by JS & Co. as a clerk in charge of the Folle Avoine dept. 1795 outfit with wages of 1, 500 l. and a credit of 146.11 l. Employed by the AFC as a trader in charge of the same dept. (listed as "Duchene's Outfit" in 1818) 1818 and 1819 outfits at $400, the 1820 outfit at $350, and the 1821 outfit for unnamed "services inland." For more on Duchene and his nickname, see Introduction, p. 4 above. (3b, 3e, I2)

Duchene, Joseph, Jr. Employed as a boatman for the AFC in the Folle Avoine dept. 1818 outfit at $250, as an interpreter for the 1819 outfit at the same wages, and for the 1820 outfit at 233.33, and as a trader for the 1822 outfit at the same salary. Probably the son of Joseph Duchene (La Prairie), above. (3b, 3e)
***

• Text, 1818-1822.
Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society. Volume 5

A BRIEF SKETCH OF THE FUR TRADE AND FUR TRADERS AMONG THE OJIBWAYS FROM THE FORMATION OF THE NORTHWEST COMPANY IN 1787 TO 1834.

Page 382 { page image }

to turn their attention to the Ojibway fur trade, and from this time a new class of individuals, as traders, began to penetrate to the remotest villages of this tribe. In the year 1818, the Astor Fur Company first commenced their operations on Lake Superior. They confined themselves, however, during the years 1816 and 1817, to trading posts at Sault Ste. Marie, Grand Island, and Ance-ke-we-naw. John Johnston, with a capital each year, of $40,000, managed this portion of their trade.

In 1818, the company sent outfits to cover the whole Ojibway country, within the limits of the United States. William Morrison, Roussain, Cotte, and others, as traders on salary, with an outfit amounting to $23,606, were sent to the Fond du Lac department, which included the Upper Mississippi country. These traders continued during the years 1819--20--21--22, with small increase of capital. The department of Lac du Flambeau was placed in charge of Bazil Beauleau and Charatte as traders, on salary, in 1818, with a capital of $5100; Hawley and Durant, with a capital of $5299.

For the Lac Coutereille department, the company outfitted John Baptiste Corbin, as a trader on salary, with goods to the amount of $5328. For the St. Croix district, Duchene acted as trader, on salary, for the company in 1818. Capital $3876.

In 1822, the capital of the Lac Coutereille and St. Croix departments amounted to $19,353, in charge of Duchene as trader. In 1818, the Ance department was placed in charge of John Holliday as trader on salary; his capital, or amount of outfit, averaged till 1822, $6000 per annum.

In 1822, the Astor Fur Company made a slight change in the system of their trade in the Ojibway country. The Fond du Lac department was given to Wm. Morrison on halves, and this arrangement continued to 1826, when Messrs William A. Aitkin and Roussain took charge

• Text: Treaty With The Chippewa, 1826, 05 August 1826, Fond du Lac.
http://digital.library.okstate.edu/kappler/Vol2/treaties/chi0268.htm

TREATY WITH THE CHIPPEWA, 1826.
Aug. 5, 1826. | Stat. 7,290. | Proclamation, Feb. 7, 1827.

Indian Affairs: Laws and Treaties. Vol. II (Treaties). Compiled and edited by Charles J. Kappler. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1904.
Home | Disclaimer & Usage | Table of Contents | Index


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Margin Notes:

Preamble.
Indians agree to the treaty of Prairie du Chien.
A deputation to be sent to Green Bay.
Metals or minerals.
Location for the use of the half-breeds.
Annuity of $2,000 in money or goods to be paid them.
Annual payment for the improvement of their children.
Rejection of certain articles not to affect the validity of the others.
Authority of United States acknowledged.
Ratification.

Articles of a treaty made and concluded at the Font du Lac of Lake Superior, this fifth day of August, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and twenty-six, between Lewis Cass and Thomas L. McKenney, Commissioners on the part of the United States, and the Chippewa Tribe of Indians.

WHEREAS a Treaty was concluded at Prairie du Chien in August last, by which the war, which has been so long carried on, to their mutual distress, between the Chippewas and Sioux, was happily terminated by the intervention of the United States; and whereas, owing to

[*269]

the remote and dispersed situation of the Chippewas, full deputations of their different bands did not attend at Prairie du Chien, which circumstance, from the loose nature of the Indian government, would render the Treaty of doubtful obligation, with respect to the bands not represented; and whereas, at the request of the Chippewas Chiefs, a stipulation was inserted in the Treaty of Prairie du Chien, by which the United States agreed to assemble the Chippewa Tribe upon Lake Superior during the present year, in order to give full effect to the said Treaty, to explain its stipulations and to call upon the whole Chippewa tribe, assembled at their general council fire, to give their formal assent thereto, that the peace which has been concluded may be rendered permanent, therefore-

ARTICLE 1.

The Chiefs and Warriors of the Chippewa Tribe of Indians hereby fully assent to the Treaty concluded in August last at Prairie du Chien, and engage to observe and fulfil the stipulations thereof.

ARTICLE 2.

A deputation shall be sent by the Chippewas to the Treaty to be held in 1827, at Green Bay, with full power to arrange and fix the boundary line between the Chippewas and the Winnebagoes and Menomonees, which was left incomplete by the treaty of Prairie du Chien, in consequence of the non-attendance of some of the principal Menomonee Chiefs.

ARTICLE 3.

The Chippewa tribe grant to the government of the United States the right to search for, and carry away, any metals or minerals from any part of their country. But this grant is not to affect the title of the land, nor the existing jurisdiction over it.

ARTICLE 4.

It being deemed important that the half-breeds, scattered through this extensive country, should be stimulated to exertion and improvement by the possession of permanent property and fixed residences, the Chippewa tribe, in consideration of the affection they bear to these persons, and of the interest which they feel in their welfare, grant to each of the persons described in the schedule hereunto annexed, being half-breeds and Chippewas by descent, and it being understood that the schedule includes all of this description who are attached to the Government of the United States, six hundred and forty acres of land, to be located, under the direction of the President of the United States, upon the islands and shore of the St. Mary's river, wherever good land enough for this purpose can be found; and as soon as such locations are made, the jurisdiction and soil thereof are hereby ceded. It is the intention of the parties, that, where circumstances will permit, the grants be surveyed in the ancient French manner, bounding not less than six arpens, nor more than ten, upon the river, and running back for quantity; and that where this cannot be done, such grants be surveyed in any manner the President may direct. The locations for Oshauguscoday wayqua and her descendents shall be adjoining the lower part of the military reservation, and upon the head of Sugar Island. The persons to whom grants are made shall not have the privilege of conveying the same, without the permission of the President.

[*270]

ARTICLE 5.

In consideration of the poverty of the Chippewas, and of the sterile nature of the country they inhabit, unfit for cultivation, and almost destitute of game, and as a proof of regard on the part of the United States, it is agreed that an annuity of two thousand dollars, in money or goods, as the President may direct, shall be paid to the tribe, at the Sault St. Marie. But this annuity shall continue only during the pleasure of the Congress of the United States.

ARTICLE 6.

With a view to the improvement of the Indian youths, it is also agreed, that an annual sum of one thousand dollars shall be appropriated to the support of an establishment for their education, to be located upon some part of the St. Mary's river, and the money to be expended under the direction of the President; and for the accommodation of such school, a section of land is hereby granted. But the payment of the one thousand dollars stipulated for in this article, is subject to the same limitation described in the preceding article.

ARTICLE 7.

The necessity for the stipulations in the fourth, fifth and sixth articles of this treaty could be fully apparent, only from personal observation of the condition, prospects, and wishes of the Chippewas, and the Commissioners were therefore not specifically instructed upon the subjects therein referred to; but seeing the extreme poverty of these wretched people, finding them almost naked and starving, and ascertaining that many perished during the last winter, from hunger and cold, they were induced to insert these articles. But it is expressly understood and agreed, that the fourth, fifth and sixth articles, or either of them, may be rejected by the President and Senate, without affecting the validity of the other articles of the treaty.

ARTICLE 8.

The Chippewa tribe of Indians fully acknowledge the authority and jurisdiction of the United States, and disclaim all connection with any foreign power, solemnly promising to reject any messages, speeches, or councils, incompatible with the interest of the United States, and to communicate information thereof to the proper agent, should any such be delivered or sent to them.

ARTICLE 9.

This treaty, after the same shall be ratified by the President and Senate of the United States, shall be obligatory on the contracting parties.
Done at the Fond du Lac of lake Superior, in the territory of Michigan, the day and year above written, and of the independence of the United States the fifty-first.

Lewis Cass,
Thos. L. McKenney,
St. Marys:
Shingauba Wassin, his x mark,
Shewaubeketoan, his x mark,
Wayishkee, his x mark,
Sheegud, his x mark.
River St. Croix:
Peezhickee, his x mark,
Noden, his x mark,
Nagwunabee, his x mark,
Kaubemappa, his x mark,
Chaucopee, his x mark,
Jaubeance, his x mark,
Ultauwau, his x mark,
Myeengunsheens, his x mark,
Moasomonee, his x mark,
Muckuday peenaas, his x mark,

[*271]

Sheeweetaugun, his x mark.
La Pointe:
Peexhickee, his x mark,
Keemeewun, his x mark,
Kaubuzoway, his x mark,
Wyauweenind, his x mark,
Peekwaukwotoansekay, his x mark.
Ottoway L:
Paybaumikoway, his x mark.
Lac de Flambeau:
Gitshee Waubeeshaans, his x mark,
Moazonee, his x mark,
Gitshee Migeezee, his x mark,
Mizhauquot, his x mark.
Ontonagon:
Keeshkeetowug, his x mark,
Peenaysee, his x mark,
Mautaugumee, his x mark,
Kweeweezaisish, his x mark.
Vermilion Lake:
Attickoans, his x mark,
Gyutsheeininee, his x mark,
Jaukway, his x mark,
Madwagkunageezhigwaab, his x mark,
Jaukogeezhigwaishkun, his x mark,
Neezboday, his x mark,
Nundocheeais, his x mark,
Ogeemaugeegid, his x mark,
Anneemeekees, his x mark.
Ontonagon:
Kauwaishkung, his x mark,
Mautaugumee, his x mark.
Snake River:
Waymittegoash, his x mark,
Iskquagwunaabee, his x mark,
Meegwunaus, his x mark.
Lac de Flambeau:
Pamoossay, his x mark,
Maytaukooseegay, his x mark.
Rainy Lake:
Aanubkumigishkunk, his x mark.
Sandy Lake:
Osaumemikee, his x mark,
Gitshee Waymirteegoost, his x mark.
Paashuninleel, his x mark,
Wauzhuskokok, his x mark,
Nitumogaubowee, his x mark,
Wattap, his x mark.
Fond du Lac:
Shingoop, his x mark,
Monetogeezisoans, his x mark,
Mongazid, his x mark.
Manetogeezhig, his x mark,
Ojauneemauson, his x mark,
Miskwautais, his x mark,
Naubunaygerzhig, his x mark,
Unnauwaubundaun, his x mark,
Pautaubay, his x mark,
Migeesee, his x mark.
Ontonagon:
Waubishkeepeenaas, his x mark,
Tweeshtweeshkeeway, his x mark,
Kundekund, his x mark,
Oguh bayaunuhquotwaybee, his x mark,
Paybaumausing, his x mark,
Keeshkeemun, his x mark.
River de Corbeau:
Maugugaubowie, his x mark,
Pudud, his x mark,
Naugdunosh, his x mark,
Ozhuskuckoen, his x mark,
Waubogee, his x mark,
Sawbanosh, his x mark,
Keewayden, his x mark,
Gitsheemeewininee, his x mark,
Wynunee, his x mark,
Obumaugeezhig, his x mark,
Payboumidgeewung, his x mark,
Maugeegaubou, his x mark,
Paybaumogeezhig, his x mark,
Kaubemappa, his x mark,
Waymittegoazhu, his x mark,
Oujupenaas, his x mark,
Madwayossin, his x mark.

In presence of-
A. Edwards, secretary to the commission,
E. Boardman, captain commanding detachment,
Henry R. Schoolcraft, United States Indian agent.
Z. Pitcher, assistant surgeon,
J. B. Kingsbury, lieutenant, Second Infantry,
E. A. Brush,
Daniel Dingley,
A. Morrison,
B. Champman,
Henry Connor,
W. A. Levake,
J. O. Lewis.

SUPPLEMENTARY ARTICLE.

As the Chippewas who committed the murder upon four American citizens, in June, 1824, upon the shores of Lake Pepin, are not present at this council, but are far in the interior of the country, so that they cannot be apprehended and delivered to the proper authority before the commencement of the next Summer; and, as the Commissioners have been specially instructed to demand the surrender of these persons, and to state to the Chippewa tribe the consequence of suffering such a flagitious outrage to go unpunished, it is agreed, that the persons guilty of the beforementioned murder shall be brought in, either to the Sault St. Marie, or Green Bay, as early next summer as practicable, and surrendered to the proper authority; and that, in the mean time, all further measures on the part of the United States, in relation to this subject, shall be suspended.

Lewis Cass,
Thomas L. McKenney.

[*272]

Representing the bands to whom the persons guilty of the murder belong, for themselves and the Chippewa tribe:

Gitshee Meegeesee, his x mark,
Metaukoosegay, his x mark,
Ouskunzheema, his x mark,
Keenesteno, his x mark.

Witnesses:

A. Edwards, secretary to the commission,
E. Boardman, captain commanding detachment,
Henry R. Schoolcraft, United States Indian agent.
Henry Connor, interpreter.

Schedule referred to in the preceding Treaty.

To Oshauguscoday wagqua, wife of John Johnston, Esq., to each of her children, and to each of her grand children, one section.

To Saugemauqua, widow of the late John Baptiste Cadotte, and to her children, Louison, Sophia, Archangel, Edward, and Polly, one section each.

To Keneesequa, wife of Samuel Ashman, and to each of her children, one section.

To Teegaushau, wife of Charles H. Oakes, and to each of her children, one section.

To Thomas Shaw, son of Obimetunoqua, and to his wife Mary, being also of Indian descent, each one section.

To Fanny Levake, daughter of Meeshwauqua, and to each of her children, one section.

To Obayshaunoquotoqua, wife of Francis Goolay, Jr. one section.

To Omuckackeence, wife of John Holiday, and to each of her children, one section.

To Obimegeezhigoqua, wife of Joseph Due Chene, Jr. and to each of her children, one section.

To Monedoqua, wife of Charles Cloutier, one section.

To Susan Yarns, daughter of Odanbitogeezhigoqua, one section.

To Henry Sayer and John Sayer, sons of Obemau unoqua, each one section.

To each of the children of John Tanner, being of Chippewa descent, one section.

To Wassidjeewunoqua, and to each of her children, by George Johnston, one section.

To Michael Cadotte, senior, son of Equawaice, one section.

To Equaysay way, wife of Michael Cadotte, senior, and to each of her children living within the United States, one section.

To each of the children of Charlotte Warren, widow of the late Truman A. Warren, one section.

To Mary Chapman, daughter of Equameeg, and wife of Bela Chapman, and to each of her children, one section.

To Saganoshequa, wife of John H. Fairbanks, and to each of her children, one section.

To Shaughunomonee, wife of William Morrison, and to each of her children, one section.

To each of the children of the late Ingwaysuh, wife of Joseph Coté, one section.

To each of the children of Angelique Coté, late wife of Pierre Coté, one section.

To Pazhikwutoqua, wife of William Aitken, and to each of her children, one section.

To Susan Davenport, grand daughter of Misquabunoqua, and wife of Ambrose Davenport, and to each of her children, one section.

[*273]

To Waubunequa, wife of Augustin Belanger, and to each of her children, one section.

To Charlotte Louisa Morrison, wife of Allan Morrison, and daughter of Manitowidjewung, and to each of her children, one section.

To each of the children of Eustace Roussain, by Shauwunaubunoqua, Wauwaussumoqua, and Payshaubunoqua, one section.

To Isabella Dingley, wife of Daniel Dingley and daughter of Pime geezhigoqua, and to each of her children, one section.

To George Birkhead, being a Chippewa by descent, one section.

To Susan Conner, wife of Thomas Conner, and daughter of Pimegeezhigoqua, and to each of her children, one section.

To the children of George Ermatinger, being of Shawnee extraction, two sections collectively.

To Ossinahjeeunoqua, wife of Michael Cadotte, Jr. and each of her children, one section.

To Minedemoeyah, wife of Pierre Duvernay, one section.

To Ogeemaugeezhigoqua, wife of Basil Boileau, one section.

To Kaukaubesheequa, wife of John Baptiste Corbeau, one section.

To John Baptiste Du Chene, son of Pimegeizhigoqua, one section.

To each of the children of Ugwudaushee, by the late Truman A. Warren, one section.

To William Warren, son of Lyman M. Warren, and Mary Cadotte, one section.

To Antoine, Joseph, Louis, Chalot, and Margaret Charette, children of Equameeg, one section.

To the children of Francois Boutcher, by Waussequa, each one section.

To Angelique Brabent, daughter of Waussegundum, and wife of Alexis Brabent, one section.

To Odishqua, of Sault St. Marie, a Chippewa, of unmixed blood, one section.

To Pamidjeewung, of Sault St. Marie, a Chippewa, of unmixed blood, one section.

To Waybossinoqua, and John J. Wayishkee, children of Wayishkee, each one section.

Lewis Cass,
Thos. L. McKenney.


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• Census: Wisconsin Territory Census, 1838, La Pointe and Snake River, Wisconsin Territory.
From the Minnesota Genealogical Journal:3 (found at the Minnesota History Center, call #CS42.M553 No. 3), p. 241:

1838 Wisconsin Territory Census [at La Pointe]:

[listed after Joseph CADOTE, Augustine CADDOTE, Michel CADOTE, Antoin CADOT, and Michel BESETT (BRISETTE)]
Pierre LEPRIERE, 1 head of family, 3 white males, 3 white females, 7 total
Joseph DUCHIN, 1 white male, 1 total
***

From the Minnesota Genealogical Journal:3 (found at the Minnesota History Center, call #CS42.M553 No. 3), p. 242:

1838 Wisconsin Territory Census [at Snake River]:

[listed before Charles CADOTE, Margarett CADOTE, and Magdalen CADOTE]
Joseph DUCHIN, 1 head of family, 4 white males, 3 white females, 8 total
Jean B DUCHIN, 1 white male, 1 total
***

From The Fur Trade in Minnesota: An Introductory Guide to Manuscript Sources, by Bruce M. White, p. 4-5:

In the 1830s and 1840s, references occur in the writings of missionaries to two men named Joseph and Baptiste La Prairie, who lived at Pokegema Lake near the Snake River and who appear to have been the sons of the elder La Prairie.
***

• Census, 1840, St. Croix County, Wisconsin Territory.
1840, Western Division, Saint Croix, Wisconsin Territory

- Charles Gasper Bruce
- Joseph Sanfxcrie Jr
- Joseph Rondoe
- Benjamin Jervais
- Francois Lablanc
- Francois Mccoy
- Abraham Perret
- James B Clewet [?Chuiet, Chevet?]
- Charles Perret
- Francis Nasson
- Donald McDonald
- Alexander McHattie
- Henry C Mencke [?Meucke?]
- Edward Phalen
- William Evans
- Louis Lescotte
- Joseph Labissoneirre
- John Campbell
- Jacques DesCote
- Francois Chevallier
- Henry Belland
- Michael Leclaire
- Andrew MacKey
- Joseph Monjean
- Philander Prescotte
- Joseph Haskell
- James S Norris
- Edmond F Ely
- Fredrick Ayres
- Charles Cadotte
- Joseph LaPrairie, 1 male under five, 1 five to under ten, 1 ten to under fifteen, 1 fifteen to under twenty, 1 thirty to under forty [1800-1810], 1 female under five, 1 five to under ten, 1 fifteen to under twenty, 1 forty to under fifty [1790-1800], 9 total, 4 in agriculture

Totals 24 9 9 7 12 17 4 3 4 1 " " " 13 16 12 8 8 6 3 4 _ _ _ _ _

Brought from first sheet 24 9 9 7 12 17 4 3 4 1 _ _ _ 13 16 12 8 8 6 3 4 _ _ _ _ _

- Jessee Taylor
- Susan LaPrairie, 1 male under five, 1 female under five, 1 female twenty to under thirty [1810-1820]
- Jeremiah Russell
- Thomas Hill
- Peter Parrant
- Menos Degerlais [?Deperlais?]
- Jean B L Bellecour
- Louis Massie
- William Stills
- Joseph Sanfxcon Sen
- Baptiste Yea
- Heram Sweezy
- Joseph Landre
- Lauis Brunell
- Jacob Folstrom
- Joseph Gregrich
- Orange Meeker agents ?
- Marine Lumber Company
- E W Thomas And C A Tuttle agents
- ? Croise Lumber Company
- Alvah Herrington
- Joseph R Brown
- Peirre Felix
- Joseph Bourcier
- James Taylor
- Hypolite Dupuis
- William Altenburg
- Hozen Mooers
- Andrew Robertson
- Pierre Roeulliard

Totals 42 16 14 14 89 41 9 7 6 1 _ _ _ 19 19 16 18 12 5 5 _ 1 _ _ _
***

Eastern Division, Saint Croix, Wisconsin Territory

- Charles LaRose
- Alexis Nreau
- Antione Periner
- George Millett
- Frederic Baragi
- Achille Cadotte
- Michel Cadotte
- Michel Bosquet
- Isabella Lepissier, 1 five and under ten, 1 ten and under fifteen, 0, 1 twenty and under thirty, 0, 0, 0, 0, 0, 0, 0, 0, 0 1 under five, 2 five and under ten, 3 ten and under fifteen, 0, 0, 1 thirty and under forty, 0, 0, 0, 0, 0, 0, 0, 10 total, 1 in commerce
- Cyrus Mendenhall
- Thomas Hall
- Robert Morrin
- Ambrose Diragon
- Simon Janvier
- Edward St. Arnaud
- Jean B Curier
- John McGinnis
- Francois Lemieux
- ? Davis
- Alexis Biebaut
- Joseph Lisout
- Vincent Roi
- Jean B Goddin
- Charles W Borup
- John Angus
- John Wood
- Daniel P Bushuell
- Clement St. Bibeau
- Francois Dechonault
- Michel Brissett
- Narcisse Roi

- Jos Morrin
- Adaire Genereaux
- Seraphine Lecomble
- Charles Chaboillez
- Francois Lemoreaux
- Allan Morrison
- George Henderson
- Thomas Connor, 1 under five, 2 five and under ten, 3 ten and under fifteen, 0, 1 twenty and under thirty, 0, 0, 1 fifty and under sixty, 0, 0, 0, 0, 0 1 under five, 0, 0, 1 fifteen and under twenty, 0, 0, 1 forty and under fifty, 0, 0, 0, 0, 0, 0, 10 total, 2 in commerce
- Jean B Robideaux
- Benjn Cadotte
- Jean B Denomme
- Jos Morrison
- Francois Bellair
- Jean B Bellinger
- Jean Sayer
- Michel Petite
- Antione Connyer
- Jos Bellinger
- Jas P Scott
- Jean B Landrie
- Louis Dufault
- Ignace Robideaux
- Charles Chaloux
- Francois Lonis
- Michel Bazinet
- Jean B Lefebore
- Jos Lapointe
- Baptiste Goslin
- Antione Cadotte

- Charles W [?H?] Oakes
- John H Fairbanks
- William Davenport
- Peter Crebessa
- Joseph Montrielle
- Pierre Cotte
***

• Text: Battle of Pokegama, 1841.
http://www.turtletrack.org/Issues04/Co02072004/CO_02072004_Pokegama.htm

Canku Ota
(Many Paths)
An Online Newsletter Celebrating Native America
February 7, 2004 - Issue 106


Here Are Two Versions of The Same Battle
Battle of Pokegama

credits: submitted by Timm Severud (Ondamitag)
Pokegama Lake From: W.H.C. Folsom's 50 Years in the Northwest (Pages 262-366) 1888 This beautiful lake lies in township 39, range 22. It is about five miles in length by one in breadth and finds an outlet in the Kanabec River. It is celebrated for is historical associations. Thomas Conner, an old trader, informed the writer of these sketches, in 1847, that he had a trading post on the banks of this lake thirty years before, or about the year 1816. This was before Fort Snelling was built. Mr. Conner said that there was a French Trading Post at Pokegama long before he went there. It was in the spring of 1847, after a wearisome day's tramp, that I made his acquaintance and shared his unstinted hospitality. His post, at that time, was located at the mouth of Goose Creek, Chisago County, on the banks of the St. Croix. His rude portable house was built of bark, subdivided with mats and skins into different apartments. Although at an advanced period in his life, his mind was clear and he conversed with a degree of intelligence, which caused me to ask him why he lived thus secluded, away from all the privileges of a civilized life. His reasons, some of them, were forcible; he liked the quiet of the wilderness, away from the turmoils of the envious white race. I learned from him many interesting facts connected with travelers, traders and explorers of our St. Croix Valley. This was the last season he spent on the river.

In 1847, when I visited Pokegama, Jeremiah Russell, an Indian farmer, had a very pretty farm on a point of land on the southwest side of the lake, between the lake and the river. A Frenchman. Jarvis, lived a short distance from Russell. Across the lake from Russell's were the neat and tasteful log buildings and gardens of the Presbyterian mission. The mission was established in the spring of 1836, by Rev. Fredric Ayers and his associates, under the auspices of the American Board of Foreign Missions. Mr. Ayer had been laboring at Yellow Lake mission, but owing to the growing unfriendliness of the Indians, had been removed to Pokegama. Much pertaining to the mission work both at Pokegama and elsewhere will be found in the biographies of the principle missionaries. We mention here only such incidents as may be of more general interest. For many of these incidents we are indebted to Mrs. Elisabeth J. Ayer, of Belle Prairie, the widow of Rev. Fredric Ayer, for a long time missionary to the Ojibwa. This estimable lady has passed her eighty-fifth year, but her mind is still clear and her hand steady, her manuscript having the appearance of the work of a precise young schoolmistress. She mentions an old Canadian, who had been in the country sixty years, and for seven or eight years had been entirely blind. He was known as Mushkdewinini (The Old Blind Man), also the trader, Thomas Conner, the remains of whose mud chimney and foundations of the old trading house may still be seen on the southern shore of the lake.

Franklin Steele was the first white man to visit the mission. In the spring of 1837 the mission aided three of four families in building. February 1837, Rev. Mr. Hall, of the La Pointe Mission, visited Pokegama, and organized a church of seven members, three of whom were natives, administered the ordinance of baptism to eight persons, and solemnized two marriages, probably the first in the valley of the St. Croix. Revs. Boutwell and Ely came to the mission in 1837. A school had been opened, some Indian houses built, and gardens enlarged, and the future of the mission seemed assured. Mrs. Ayer relates the following account of the

Battle of Pokegama In 1841 the Sioux selected this establishment as the place to avenge the wrongs of the Ojibways - some of recent date; the principle of which was the killing of two sons of Little Crow (done in self defense) between Pokegama and the falls of the St. Croix. The Sioux arrived at Pokegama in the night, and stopped on the opposite side of the lake, two miles from the mission. The main body went to the main settlement, and, after examining the ground where they intended to operate, hid among the trees and brush back of the Indian gardens, with orders that all keep quiet on both sides of the lake till a given signal, when the Indians were busy in their gardens, and then make quick work. But their plans failed. Most of the Ojibways of the settlement had, from fear of the Sioux, slept on an island half a mile out in the lake (I mean women and children), and were late to their gardens. In the meantime a loaded canoe was nearing the opposite shore and the few Sioux who had remained there to dispatch any who, in time of battle, might attempt to escape by crossing over, fired prematurely. This gave the alarm and saved the Ojibways. The chief ran to Mr. Ayer's door and said , expressively: "The Sioux are upon us," and was off. The Indians seemed at once to understand that the main body of the enemy was at hand. The missionaries stepped out of the door and had just time to see a great splashing of water across the lake when bullets came whizzing about their ears and they went in. The Sioux had left their hiding place and the battle commenced in earnest. Most of the women and children were yet on the island. The house of the chief was well barricaded and most of the men gathered there. The remainder took refuge in a house more exposed, at the other end of the village. The enemy drew up very near and fired in at the window. One gun was made useless by being indented with a ball. The owner retired to a corner and spent the time in prayer. The mother of the house, with her small children, was on her way to the island under a shower of bullets, calling aloud for God to help.

The missionaries seeing from their windows quantities of bloody flesh upon stumps in the battlefield thought surely that several of their friends had fallen. It proved to be a cow and a calf of the Ojibways. The mission children were much frightened and asked many questions, and for apparent safety went up stairs and were put behind some filled barrels. In the heat of the battle two Ojibways came from the island and landed in front of Mr. Ayer's house. They drew their canoe ashore and secreted themselves as well as the surroundings would permit. Not long after three Sioux ran down the hill and towards the canoe. They were fired upon and one fell dead. The other two ran for help but before they could return the Ojibways were on their way back to the island. Not having time to take the scalp of their enemy, they hastily cut the power horn strap from his breast, with dripping blood, as a trophy of victory. The Sioux drew the dead body up the hill and back to the place of fighting. The noise ceased. The battle was over. The missionaries soon heard the joyful words, quietly spoken: "We still live." Not a warrior had fallen. Two schoolgirls who were in the canoe at the first firing in the morning were the only ones killed, though half the men and boys in the fight were wounded. The Sioux women and boys who had come with their warriors to carry away the spoils had the chagrin of returning as empty as they came.

The Ojibways were careful that no canoe should be left within reach of the Sioux. From necessity they (the Sioux) took a canoe, made by Mr. Ely, and removed their dead two miles up river, dressed them (seemingly) in the best the party could furnish, with each a double barreled gun, a tomahawk and scalping knife, set them up against some large trees and went on their way. Some of these articles, including their headdresses, were sent to the museum of the American Board in Boston.

In the closing scene the missionaries had the opportunity of seeing the difference between those Indians who listened to instructions and those who had not. The second day after the battle a pagan party brought back to the island the dead bodies of their enemies, cut in pieces, and distributed parts to such Ojibways as had at any time lost friends by the hands of the Sioux. One woman, whose daughter was killed and mutilated on that memorable morning, when she saw the canoes coming, with a head raised high in the air on a long pole, waded out into the water, grabbed it like a hungry dog and dashed it repeatedly on the stones with savage fierceness. Others of the pagans conducted themselves in similar manner. They even cooked some of the flesh that night in their kettle of rice. Eunice (as she was named by her baptism) was offered an arm. At first she hesitated; but for some reasons, sufficient in her own mind, thought best to take it. Her daughter-in-law, widow of her son who had recently been killed and chopped into pieces by the Sioux, took another, and they went to their lodge. Eunice said: "My daughter, we must not do as some of our friends are doing. We have been taught better," and taking some white cloth from her sack they wrapped the arms in them, offered a prayer and gave them a decent burial.

BATTLE OF LAKE POKEGUMA AS NARRATED BY AN EYE WITNESS. - BY REV. E. D. NEILL. (Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society. Volume 1) Pokeguma is one of the "Mille Lacs," or thousand beautiful lakes for which Minnesota is remarkable. It is about four or five miles in extent, and a mile or more in width.--Its shores are strewn with boulders that in a past geologic age have been brought by some mighty impetus from the icy north. Down to the water's edge grow the tall pines, through which, for many years, the deer have bounded, and the winds sighed mournfully, as they wafted away to distant lands the shriek of many Dakota or Ojibwa mothers, caused by the slaughter of their children.

This lake is situated on Snake river, about twenty miles above the junction of that stream with the St. Croix.--Though as late as the year 1700, the Dakotas have resided in this vicinity, for a long period it has been the abode of their enemies, the Ojibwas.

In the year 1836, missionaries of the American Board of Foreign Missions connected with the Congregational and Presbyterian denominations, came to reside among the Ojibwas was of Pokeguma, to promote their temporal and spiritual welfare. Their mission-house was built on the east side of the lake; but the Indian village was on an island not far from the shore. In a few years, several Indian families, among others that of the chief, were induced to build log houses around the mission. The missionaries felt, to use the language of one of them, that "the motives of the gospel had no more influence over the Indian, in themselves considered, than over the deer that he follows in the chase." They therefore first encouraged the Indian to work, and always purchased of him his spare provisions.

By aiding them in this way, many had become quite industrious. In a letter written in 1837, we find the following: "The young women and girls now make, mend, wash, and iron after our manner. The men have learned to build log houses, drive team, plough, hoe, and handle an American axe with some skill in cutting large trees, the size of which, two years ago, would have afforded them a sufficient reason why they should not meddle with them."

On May fifteenth, 1841, two young men had gone, by order of Mr. Jeremiah Russell, now of Sauk Rapids, then Indian farmer at Pokeguma, to the Falls of St. Croix, after a lead of provisions. On the next day, which was Sunday, the news arrived there, that a Dakota war party, headed by Little Crow, of the Kaposia band, whose face is so familiar to the older citizens of St. Paul, was on the way to their village. Immediately they started back on foot to give the alarm to their relatives and friends.

They had hardly left the Falls, on their return, before they saw a party of Dakotas, stripped and bedaubed with vermilion, and preparing themselves for war. The sentinel of the enemy had not noticed the approach of the young men. A few yards in front of the Ojibwa youth sat two of the sons of Little Crow, behind a log, exulting, no doubt, in anticipation of the scalps in reserve for them at the lake. In the twinkling of an eye, these two young Ojibwas raised their guns, fired, and killed both of the chief's sons. The sentinel, who by his carelessness allowed them to pass, was a third son. The discharge of the guns revealed to him that an enemy was near, and as the Ojibwas were retreating, he fired, and mortally wounded one of the two.

Fiendish was the rage of the Dakotas at this disastrous surprise. According to custom, the corpses of the chief's sons were dressed, and then set up with their faces towards the country of their ancient enemies. The wounded Ojibwa was horribly mangled by the infuriated party, and his limbs strewn about in every direction. His scalped head was placed in a kettle, and suspended in front of the two Dakota corpses, in the belief that it would be gratifying to the spirits of the deceased, to see before them the bloody and scalpless head of one of their enemies.

Little Crow, disheartened by the loss of his two boys, returned with his party to Kaposia. But other parties were in the field. The Dakotas had divided themselves into three bands; and it was the understanding that one party was first to attack Pokeguma, and then retire. After the Ojibwas was supposed that the attack was over, the second party was to commence their fire, and after they had ceased to fight, the third party was to begin to slaughter.

The second party proceeded as far as the mouth of Snake river, but, supposing that the Ojibwas had discovered them, they turned back, and upon their arrival at the Falls of St. Croix, they were still more chagrined by hearing of the death of the sons of the Kaposia chief.

It was not till Friday, the twenty-first of May, that the death of one of the young Ojibwas sent by Mr. Russell to the Falls of St. Croix, was known at Pokeguma. The murdered youth was a son of one of those families who had renounced heathenism, and whose parents lived on the lakeshore, in one of the log buildings, by the mission-house. The intelligence alarmed the Ojibwas on the island opposite the mission, and on Monday, the twenty-fourth, three young men left in a canoe to go to the west shore of the lake and from thence to Mille Lacs, to give intelligence to the Ojibwas there of the skirmish that had already occurred. They took with them two Indian girls, about twelve years of age, who were pupils of the mission school, for the purpose of bringing the canoe back to the island. Just as the three were landing, twenty or thirty Dakota warriors, with a war whoop emerged from their concealment behind the trees, and fired into the canoe. The young men instantly sprang into the water, which was shallow, returned the fire, and ran into the woods, escaping without material injury.

The little girls, in their fright, waded into the lake; and as in Indian warfare it is as noble to kill an infant as an adult, a delicate woman as a strong man, the Dakota braves, with their spears and war clubs, rushed into the water after the children and killed them. Their parents upon the island, heard the death cries of their children; and for a time the scene was one of the wildest confusion. Some of the Indians around the mission-house jumped into their canoes and gained the island. Others went into some fortified log huts. The attack upon the canoe, it was afterwards learned, was premature. The party upon that side of the lake were ordered not to fire, until the party stationed in the woods near the mission commenced.

There were in all one hundred and eleven Dakota warriors, and the fight was in the vicinity of the mission-house, and the Ojibwas mostly engaged in it were those who had been under religious instruction. The rest were upon the island. During the engagement, an incident occurred, as worthy of note as some of those in Grecian history.

The fathers of the murdered girls, burning for revenge, left the island in a canoe, and drawing it up on the shore, hid behind it, and fired upon the Dakotas and killed one. The Dakotas advancing upon them, they were obliged to escape. The canoe was now launched. One lay on his back in the bottom; the other plunged into the water, and holding the canoe with one hand, and swimming with the other, he towed his friend out of danger. The Dakotas, infuriated at their escape, fired volley after volley at the swimmer, but he escaped the balls by putting his head under water whenever he saw them take aim, and waiting till he heard the discharge, when he would look and breathe.

After a fight of two hours, the Dakotas retreated with a loss of two men. At the request of the parents, Mr. E. F. Ely, now of Oneota, from whose notes the writer has obtained these facts, being at that time a teacher at the mission, went across the lake, with two of his friends, to gather the remains of his murdered pupils. He found the corpses on the shore. The heads cut off and scalped, with a tomahawk buried in the brains of each, were set up in the sand near the bodies. The bodies were pierced in the breast, and the right arm of one was taken away. Removing the tomahawks, the bodies were brought back to the island, and in the afternoon were buried in accordance with the simple but solemn rites of the Church of Christ, by members of the mission.

It is usual for Indians to leave their murdered on or near the battlefield, with their faces looking towards the enemy's country; and on Wednesday the Ojibwe was started out in search of the Dakotas that had been killed. By following the trail, they soon found the two bodies, and scalped them. One of the heads was also cut off and brought to the island, to adorn the graves of the little girls. To a Northwestern savage, such a head stone at a daughter's grave is more gratifying than one of sculptured Italian marble. Strips of flesh were fastened to the trees. A breast was also taken, and cooked and eaten by the braves to express their hatred to the Dakotas.

The mother and wife of the young man who had been killed by Little Crow's third son, were each presented with a hand. These women had been accustomed to attend preaching at the mission house, and knew the principles of the Prince of Peace. Though they had in 1839, lost many relatives by an attack from the Dakotas, on Rum river, they engaged in no savage orgies, but withdrawing to their wigwam, they placed the hands of their foes upon their knees, gazed in silence, then wrapped them in white muslin and interred them. Such is one of the many similar scenes that have occurred in our own Territory within ten years. The president of the Historical Society, in his address of 1851, well remarked, that the region between the falls of St. Croix and Mille Lacs, is a "Golgotha"--a place of skulls.

The sequel to this story is soon told. The Indians of Pokeguma, after the fight, deserted their village, and went to reside with their countrymen near Lake Superior.

In July of the following year, a war party was formed at Fond du Lac, about forty in number, and preceded towards the Dakota country. When they reached Kettle River, they were joined by the Ojibwas, of St. Croix and Mille Lacs, and thus numbered about one hundred warriors. Sneaking, as none but Indians can, they arrived unnoticed at the little settlement, below St. Paul, commonly called "Pig's Eye," which is opposite Kaposia, or Little Crow's village. Finding an Indian woman at work in the garden of her husband, a Canadian, by the name of Gamelle, they killed her; also another woman, with her infant, whose head was cut off. The Dakotas, on the opposite side, were mostly intoxicated; and flying across in their canoes but half prepared, they were worsted in the encounter. They lost about twelve warriors, and one of their number, known as The Dancer, the Ojibwas are said to have skinned. Saint Paul, 1852.
***


  Please note: Births, marriages, deaths, relationships, etc. should be considered a lead or working theory unless supporting documentation is provided. Documentation and/or general notes from this partnership include:


St. Joseph Mission & Holy Family Cath. Church Baptismal Records 1835-1887 WI.

The Bayliss Public Library, 541 Library Drive, Sault Saint Marie, MI 49783 or bayref@uproc.lib.mi.us has a microfilm copy & will make copies of these records. Are in Latin, Chippewa and English. Great source for birthdate, birthplace, & parents names
***


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